On 28th and 29th August 2025, tens of thousands of Indonesian workers protested across provinces and sub districts such as Manokwari, Semarang, Solo, Magelang, Medan, Bengkulu, and Tegal with the epicenter of protest in front of the House of Representatives (DPR) in Jakarta. Protesters demanded a minimum wage increase of 8.5 – 10% for 2026, a halt to mass layoffs, the abolition of outsourcing, comprehensive tax reform, the enactment of a new labor law in line with Constitutional Court Decision No. 168/2024, as well as the passage of the Asset Confiscation Bill and revision of the Election Law. These demands reflect workers’ fundamental rights to decent work, social protection, and democratic participation. 

Three days earlier, 25th August 2025, hundreds of students and civilians were protesting in front of the DPR building after the recent report that lawmakers had received several upgrades on allowances, one of which regarding monthly housing allowance for 50 million rupiah ($3,000 per person), which makes 10 times the minimum wage in Jakarta, while a period of massive layoffs for more than 80,000 labours, influx of more than 100% to property tax, as well as budget cuts for education and universities occurred in the same timeline. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) documented that the demonstration ended with 12 injured civilians and 351 arbitrarily detained – of whom 196 were minors – and the use of water cannon as well as expired tear gas which indiscriminately affected residential areas. 

The state apparatus’ responses to the 28th and 29th August protest raised deeper grave concerns. KontraS documented a series of excessive use of force practices from the Indonesian National Police (Polri) which include acts of live bullet shootings, torture, assaults, arbitrary arrests, forced dispersals, and the uncontrolled use of crowd-control weapons. Hence, resulting in more or less 113 severely injured civilians, 3 deaths, and 734 arrests. These figures illustrate an alarming pattern of systematic violence against civilians exercising their constitutional rights. 

One of the most tragic incidents occurred in Jakarta on 28 August 2025, when Affan Kurniawan, a young online ride-hailing driver and sole breadwinner for his family, was killed after being run over by a tactical vehicle of the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) during the protest. His death not only represents an arbitrary deprivation of life in violation of Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), but also illustrates the disproportionate and indiscriminate use of force by Indonesian security forces against civilians. The killing of Affan underscores how state violence directly targets ordinary citizens whose only “crime” was exercising their right to be present in a public protest space. 

The use of excessive force, arbitrary arrests, and acts amounting to torture not only contravene Indonesia’s obligations under international human rights law including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture (CAT), but also directly violate Indonesia’s own national legal framework. In particular, Indonesian Regulation of the National Police Chief (Perkap) No. 1 of 2009 on the Use of Force and Perkap

No. 16 of 2006 on Crowd Control explicitly require law enforcement officers to adhere to the principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, and accountability. The current practices reveal systemic breaches of these standards, undermining the rule of law and eroding public trust in state institutions. 

For the worse, former Chief of State Intelligence Agency A.M Hendropriyono narrates that an actor outside Indonesia orchestrated the demonstration. It has been a stigmatization pattern that one of the main narratives set up by the state apparatus is CSOs’ involvement with international entities and how the organizations are perceived as the henchmen of foreign or western entities (antek asing). 

The mentioned incidents are not isolated. Instead, they reflect a recurring pattern of police violence against peaceful assemblies in Indonesia, from past protests such as the Reformasi Dikorupsi in 2019, Omnibus Law in 2020, Peringatan Darurat in 2024, to demonstrations against National Strategic Projects such as Rempang in 2023 and Papuan protests. Each cycle of repression, characterized by excessive force, mass arrests, and impunity further entrenches a culture of fear and silences legitimate dissent. Such systemic abuse represents not only a failure to uphold democratic principles but also a deliberate attempt to delegitimize civic movements that demand accountability and justice. 

A disturbing and recurring practice within this systemic violence is the pattern of enforced disappearances where demonstrators, especially students and young activists, are forcibly taken by state agents without acknowledgment of their whereabouts for hours or even days, often without concrete legal justification or due process. This tactic instills and mirrors the legacy of enforced disappearances from the 1998 authoritarian regime. 

The lack of Indonesia’s accession to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (ICPPED) has created a legal vacuum, allowing such practices to persist with impunity. The state’s failure to ratify this international human rights standard eliminates critical safeguards to prevent recurrence, ensuring legal accountability, as well as protection from arbitrary state-led abductions. 

Simultaneously, there are alarming efforts to suppress press freedom, also a form of mirroring from the past authoritarian regime. During the recent protests, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) on 28th August 2025 was documented to actively pressure media outlets to refrain from covering scenes of police brutality or other scenes from the protests as this state-led information blackout further impedes transparency. Thus, the state is combining forced disappearances with media censorship, replicating a dangerous 1998 pattern. 

Thus, we civil society urge the Indonesian Government the following: 

1.) The National Police (Polri) is to immediately end the use of excessive force, ensure all crowd-control operations comply with Perkap No. 1 of 2009 and international human rights standards such as the UN Guidance of Less-Lethal Weapons and UN Code of

Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials, and impartially investigate officers responsible for abuses. 

2.) The National Police Commission (Kompolnas) is to exercise independent oversight by launching an urgent inquiry into police violence on 28th August 2025 and recommend disciplinary and criminal sanctions. 

3.) Police Institutions (Polri and Kompolnas) and Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) must cease all practices of enforced disappearances as well as short-term enforced disappearances and ensure prompt release and protection of all arbitrarily detained civilians. 

4.) The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) to conduct a prompt, impartial, and transparent investigation into all cases of torture, arbitrary arrest, and extrajudicial killings related to recent protests, and provide protection for victims and witnesses. The Institution should also intensify monitoring to specific components in the incidents such as the excessive use of crowd-control weapons including tear gas, batons, and rubber bullets, to tactical vehicles particularly in the incident where a ride-hailing driver was run over by a Brimob tactical vehicle during the demonstration. 

5.) The Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR RI) to ensure genuine legislative oversight by summoning the Chief of Police for public accountability hearings, demanding explanations for the unlawful repression, and guaranteeing that all future crowd-control operations strictly comply with national law and international standards. The DPR must also immediately expedite the deliberation and passage of laws safeguarding labor rights, social protection, and civic freedoms. As the very institution being protested by the people, the DPR cannot hide behind repression, it must face Indonesian civil society directly, listen to their grievances, and act responsibly to restore public trust. As the main actor being protested by civilians, the parliament should also directly face Indonesian civil society elements as the protest 

6.) The Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) must immediately ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (ICPPED) and adopt necessary domestic legislation to prevent recurring practices of enforced disappearances, ensure timely and impartial investigations, and to hold all perpetrators accountable 

7.) The President of Indonesia publicly condemned police violence, guaranteed the protection of the right to peaceful assembly, and ensured Indonesia’s full compliance with its international human rights obligations, including the requirement that any trials related to the police violence during demonstrations be conducted in a transparent and open manner. The police should conduct evaluation in handling demonstrations by prioritizing a non-violent approach. 

Sunday, 31 August 2025 

Organizations 

1. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), Indonesia 2. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), Indonesia 
2. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) 5. Public Association “Dignity”, Kazakhstan 
4. IMPARSIAL, the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor, Indonesia 
5. The Peoples Participation, Initiative and Partnership Strengthening Foundation (YAPPIKA), Indonesia 
6. Indonesia Justice and Peace Foundation (YKPI), Indonesia 
7. Indonesia Judicial Research Society (IJRS), Indonesia 
8. BarengWarga, Indonesia 
9. Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law 12. the Civil Society Coalition against Transnational Organized Crime /CATOC 13. Manushya Foundation (Laos/Thailand) 
10. Colors Rainbow (Myanmar) 
11. Peoples of Longing, Timor Leste 
12. 2030 Youth Force Indonesia (Yayasan 2030 Prapta Nusa), Indonesia 17. Asosiasaun Chega! Ba Ita (ACbit), Timor Leste 
13. Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), Indonesia 
14. LBH APIK Jakarta 
15. Kuala Lumpur Debate 
16. Indonesia Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) 
17. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD) 
18. KOMPAKS (Anti Sexual Violence Civil Society Coalition) 
19. Support Group and Resource Center on Sexuality Studies (SGRC) Indonesia 25. Women’s March Jakarta 2025 Committee 
20. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) 
21. Yayasan Tifa (Tifa Foundation) 
22. Activate Rights ( Bangladesh) 
23. WITNESS 
24. kotakhitam Forum 
25. PERIN+1S – C2O library & collaborative 
26. PIKAT Demokrasi 
27. Public Virtue Research Institute 
28. Humanis 
29. SINDIKASI (Serikat Pekerja Media & Industri Kreatif untuk Demokrasi) Jawa Timur 36. Suara Muda Kelas Pekerja Partai Buruh (SMKP) 
30. Trend Asia (Indonesia) 
31. Solidarity Collective TH (Thailand) 
32. Progresip.id 
33. Emancipate Indonesia 
34. ILGA Asia 
35. Perkumpulan Untuk Pemilu dan Demokrasi (Perludem), Indonesia 43. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus 
36. Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) 
37. TAPOL (UK) 
38. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team (Regional)
39. Asia Floor Wage Alliance (AFWA) Indonesia 
40. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM), Malaysia 
41. Partai Rakyat Pekerja (PRP), Indonesia 
42. Lembaga Informasi Perburuhan Sedane (LIPS) Indonesia 
43. Konfederasi Serikat Nasional (KSN), Indonesia 
44. Konfederasi Pergerakan Rakyat Indonesia (KPRI), Indonesia 
45. Transnational Palm Oil Labour Solidarity (TPOLS)
46. Human Rights Alert Manipur, India
47. Numun Fund
48. National Union of Workers in Hospital Support and Allied Services (NUWHSAS), Malaysia
49. Studio Batu 
50. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
51. Kelompok Jaya Bersama (KJB) Indonesia
52. Lingkaran Advokasi dan Riset (Link-AR Borneo)
53. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
54. Social Justice Indonesia
55. Legal Dignity, Malaysia 
56. Open Net (Korea) 
57. Ruang Independen Community, Indonesia
58. Spring Revolution Security (Myanmar) 
59. ICT Watch, Indonesia 
60. Kolektif Bengkel Kabel Bandung, Indonesia 
61. End Female Genital Cutting Singapore 
62. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network 
63. Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia/The Union of Indonesian Migrants Worker (SBMI) 72. Sigaw ng Kabataan Coalition (SKC) Philippines 
64. Serve the People Association (SPA), Taiwan 
65. Foundation for Media Alternatives (Philippines) 
66. Human Rights Online Philippines (HRonlinePH) 
67. Arus Pelangi (Indonesia) 
68. ALTSEAN-Burma 
69. Asia Feminist LBQ Network (AFLN) 
70. Korean House for International Solidarity (South Korea) 
71. International Peoples Assembly 
72. Partido Lakas ng Masa (PLM), Philippines 
73. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) 
74. FIAN Indonesia 
75. Watch Indonesia! e.V 
76. Bumi Setara 
77. 18+ Coalition (Koalisi 18+), Indonesia 
78. Perempuan Mahardhika (Indonesia) 
79. Serbuk Kalbar 
80. Warisan Ingatan
81. New Bloom (Taiwan) 
82. Cita Tanah Mahardika, Indonesia 
83. Proklamasi Anak Indonesia 
84. Advocacy Forum (Nepal) 
85. Suriya Women’s Development Centre (Sri Lanka) 
86. Asia Democracy Network (ADN) 
87. Indorelawan, Indonesia 
88. Kait Nusantara, Indonesia 
89. Beyond Borders Malaysia 
90. Movement for Alternatives and Solidarity in Southeast Asia 100. KontraS Aceh 
91. Greater Equitable Measures (GEM) 
92. Strength For Queer – Myanmar 
93. A New Burma 
94. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD) 105. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP) 106. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization 107. Blood Money Campaign 
95. Creative Home 
96. Equality Myanmar (EQMM) 
97. Generation Wave 
98. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities- GSCN 112. Justice & Equality Focus 
99. Kyae Lak Myae 
100. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) 115. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytical 
101. New Step Women Empowerment Group/Network 117. Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA) 118. Progressive Voice (PV) 
102. Queers of Burma Alternative 
103. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation 
104. Southern Initiatives 
105. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M) 123. Women’s League of Burma (WLB) 
106. Yangon Medical Network 
107. Volunteers in Myanmar 
108. MyaYar Knowledge Tree 
109. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC) 
110. Defend Myanmar Democracy 
111. ယိမ်းနပွဲ့ါး – Yain Nweh Par (Rainbow Win The Storm – RIS) 130. ASR-ASSOCIATION of SPRING RAINBOW 
112. Yangon Deaf Group 
113. Muslim Youth Network 
114. Sisters2Sisters
115. In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND) – Philippines 135. ProyekDekolonial 
116. Vuka! Coalition for Civic Action 
117. Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM) – Philippines 
118. Saribuhay UP Diliman (Philippines) 
119. Defence of Human Rights, Pakistan 
120. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN), Maldives 
121. NGO: Environment and humanitarian actions for well-being 142. Salam for Democracy and Human Rights (SALAM DHR) 
122. Association for Democracy in the Maldives (ADM), Maldives 144. Solidaritas Aktivis Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI) Diaspora 145. Asia Citizen Future Association (ACFA) 
123. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) 
124. SILAKA-CAMBODIA 
125. Southeast Asian Human Rights and Peace Studies Network (SEAHRN) 149. Yayasan Keadilan Untuk Rakyat Marginal (Kurama Foundation) 150. Kapatiran sa Dalawang Gulong (KAGULONG), Philippines 151. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM), Malaysia 152. Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH), Malaysia 153. Cross-Cultural Foundation (CrCF) Thailand 
126. Jeunesse Innovante et Restauration du Bien-être (JERESTAURE BIEN ETRE) 155. North South Initiative, Malaysia 
127. KontraS Tanah Papua 
128. True Colors Coalition (Philippines) 
129. Philippine Misereor Partnership Inc. (PMPI) 
130. The Biodiversity Project, Sri Lanka 
131. Mayday Multimedia, Philippines 
132. Philippine Labor Movement Archive (PLMA) 
133. Pusat KOMAS, Malaysia 
134. MY World Mexico: Hub of Action for Sustainable Development, Mexico 164. Asia Monitor Resource Centre 
135. Youth and young Journalist peace and Democracy cultural 166. Center Timor-Leste 
136. Milk Tea Alliance Thailand 
137. Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND), Philippines 169. Asia Democracy Network (ADN) 
138. Indonesia untuk Kemanusiaan (IKa) 
139. Bytes for All (B4A), Pakistan 
140. Weaving Women’s Voices in Southeast Asia (WEAVE) 
141. Beyond the Hijab, Singapore 
142. ALIANSI GERAKAN REFORMA AGRARIA (AGRA), Indonesia 175. Odhikar, Bangladesh 
143. SEAPIL (Southeast Asia Public Lawyers Interest), Southeast Asia Region 177. Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), Philippines
144. Agham Youth UP Diliman (Philippines) 
145. Global Citizen Society, Maldives 
146. Kemban Kolektif, Malaysia 
147. Women’s March, Malaysia 
148. Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Center), Malaysia 183. Initiative for International Dialogue (IID), Philippines 
149. Kalyanamitra, Indonesia 
150. BeWithYou Indonesia 
151. Bright Future, Thailand 
152. Fat Liberation London, UK 
153. Vajpayee Research Foundation, India 
154. Serikat Pekerja Angkutan Indonesia (SPAI) 
155. Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Ireland 
156. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation 
157. Labor Kommunity 
158. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS), Argentina 194. Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR) 
159. EngageMedia Collective 
160. Youth Initiative (YI), Nepal 
161. Nepal Development Initiative (NEDI), Nepal 
162. Defence of Human Rights Pakistan 
163. Capital Punishment Justice Project, Australia 
164. Psychological Responsiveness NGO, Mongolia
165. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), South Korea 202. Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK), Philippines 203. Sekolah Pemikiran Perempuan (SPP/ The School of Women’s Thought) 204. Ch.nrw.flinta
166. N.C.F.H.Collective (SEA)
167. QueerPunch (SEA)
168. Can Yalcinkaya, Australia
169. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
170. Kenya Human Rights Commission, Kenya
171. Legal Resources Center, South Africa
172. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network

Individual 

1. Taufiq Hanafi, Indonesia 
2. Safina Maulida, Indonesia 
3. Shoeb Abdullah 
4. Ganies Oktaviana, Indonesia 
5. Achmad Assifa 
6. Cyprianus Lilik Kridmantoro Putro 
7. Mathurin K 
8. Xun-ling Au
9. James 
10. Choo Chon Kai 
11. Vox 
12. RESI- TIMOR LESTE 
13. Saza Faradilla 
14. Reihana Mohideen 
15. Bima Arthayuda, Indonesia 
16. Raffy Oktavian, Indonesia 
17. Ni Putu Candra Dewi, Indonesia 
18. Syahar Banu, Indonesia 
19. Federico Fuentes, editor LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal, Australia. 20. Nurashikin Binte A Rahim, Singapore 
20. Gloria Truly Estrelita, Indonesia 
21. Mamik Sri Supatmi, Indonesia 
22. Syahmi Zulfadhli Abdullah, Brunei 
23. Bikash Basnet, Nepal 
24. Eko Waluyo, Indonesian solidarity 
25. Atmaezer Hariara Simanjuntak 
26. Cho 
27. Megan Steven, Malaysia 
28. Bernard Vijayabalan, Singapore 
29. Ja Fuentes, Philippines 
30. Lea Pamungkas, Amsterdam 
31. Adhiraaj AnandNATWA HINDINA Pierre 
32. Reichele Corona, Philippines 
33. Rahmat Muhamad, Medan, Sumatera Utara 
34. Madalena Timor Leste 
35. Thomas Rieger, Jerman 
36. Charles Zander Deluna, Philippines 
37. Betty Yolanda, Indonesia 
38. Ellirie Aviles, Philippines 
39. Peter Boyle, Australia 
40. Etienne ZOUNDE 
41. Jhay de Jesus, Philippines 
42. Dulanjaya Mahagamage, Sri Lanka 
43. Kasumi Ranasinghe Arachchige, Sri Lanka 
44. Wildan Siregar, Indonesia 
45. OTOLORIN Adandé Barthélémy 
46. Cristiana Ximenes Belo, Timor-Leste 
47. Prints para sa Bayan /for the People 
48. Celia L. Sevilla, Philippines 
49. Attitaya, Thailand 
50. Fiza Awan, Thailand 
51. Maya Kornelia Musa, Indonesia
52. Kanhaiya Kumar, India 
53. Myriam Selhi, Canada 
54. Lulu Keng, Taiwan 
55. Erin McConnell, USA 
56. Lisabona Rahman, Germany
57. Alejandra Rojas Giraldo, Colombia
58. Christine Holike, Germany
59. Semjidmaa Choijil, Mongolia 
60. Ganga Bahadur Gautam, Nepal 
61. Di Wu, Belgium

The Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) and partner human rights organizations denounce the decision of the People’s Majlis (Parliament of the Maldives) to expand the scope of the death penalty to drug-trafficking offenses through amendments to the Drugs Act.

On 3 December 2025, the Parliament approved amendments which introduced capital punishment — subject to a unanimous decision of the Supreme Court bench — for the importation of more than 350 grams of cannabis, 250 grams of diamorphine (heroin), or 100 grams of other specified drugs. The amendments, which were ratified by the President on 6 December, also removed the possibility of commuting such sentences through clemency and barred plea agreements.

Drug Offenses are Not ‘Most Serious Crimes’ — Making Maldives’ Death Penalty Expansion Unlawful under International Law

The amendments are plainly incompatible with the Maldives’ obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which it acceded on 19 September 2006. Article 6(2) of the ICCPR provides that, where the death penalty remains, it may be imposed only for the “most serious crimes” — a phrase consistently interpreted as limited to offenses

involving intentional killing. Several UN bodies have found that drug offenses do not fall within this category.

By widening capital punishment to drug trafficking, the Maldives is also acting against the stated goal of abolition of the death penalty enshrined in paragraph 6 of the same article of the ICCPR, steps outside accepted international norms, weakens its human rights standing, and embraces a policy with no demonstrated unique deterrent effect. It also heightens the risk of irreversible injustice, including in cases involving vulnerable individuals and flawed investigations.

The Amendments Do Not Address Actual Drug Policy Challenges

We recognize the serious challenges that the Maldives faces in relation to drug control. However, in addition to violating international restrictions to the use of the death penalty, the amendments do not respond to what Maldivian communities, public health professionals, and rights advocates repeatedly identify as the real root causes of those challenges.

For years, civil society groups and health practitioners have stressed that the country lacks a comprehensive harm reduction framework, including basic health-based interventions and overdose prevention measures. Access to rehabilitation and community-based treatment remains limited, leaving many people without meaningful pathways to recovery. Reintegration support for young people emerging from the justice system is similarly inadequate, contributing to cycles of vulnerability and relapse.

At the same time, the social and economic factors that contribute to people engaging in the drug market — such as marginalization, unemployment, and poverty — remain insufficiently addressed despite being central to long-term solutions. These gaps, rather than the absence of the death penalty, are what sustain the country’s drug control challenges.

Experience across the region shows that effective drug control depends far more on addressing the root causes that increase the risks for people who use drugs or that lead people to engage in the drug trade, and not on the death penalty. Executions add nothing to the Maldives’ ability to dismantle drug trafficking networks.

A Step Backwards for the Maldives

This legislative shift also isolates the Maldives from its own constitutional aspirations and global practice. The country has not executed a person for decades, even though a regulation aimed at facilitating executions was adopted in 2014 and officials repeatedly declared their intentions to resume executions, including last year. The government has long justified the use of capital punishment on the basis that Islamic Shariah prescribes it, but only for a narrow category of crimes – a category that does not include drug offenses. This expansion therefore also breaks the very rationale that the government has repeatedly invoked to defend its retention of the death penalty.

Expanding capital punishment for non-lethal offenses undermines its human rights commitments and further diminishes its international credibility.

What the Maldives needs is a public health oriented and community centered response that supports people instead of punishing them irreversibly through the death penalty. ADPAN stands ready to support the Maldives in building such a response.

ADPAN calls on the Government of the Maldives to:

1. Repeal the amendment introducing the death penalty for drug-related offenses;
2. Repeal the Regulation on Conducting Investigations Into and the Implementation of Penalties Arising from the Offense of Intentional Murder (2014/R-33);
3. Maintain the moratorium on executions and adopt a clear plan towards full abolition;
4. Invest in and implement comprehensive harm reduction programs, treatment services, and health and rights-based drug policies; and
5. Engage openly with civil society, public health experts, and international partners on sustainable and humane approaches to drug control.

Signatories:

1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
2. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
4. Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Masyarakat
5. Harm Reduction International
6. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
7. World Coalition Against the Death Penalty
8. Justice Project Pakistan
9. Odhikar (Bangladesh)
10. Parliamentarians for Global Action (PGA)
11. Redemption Pakistan
12. Amnesty International
13. Transformative Justice Collective
14. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
15. Human Rights Watch
16. The Advocates for Human Rights
    
17. Freedoms Collective Trust 
18. Coalition Against the Death Penalty