Singapore: Malaysian Man Hanged In Unlawful Drug-Related Execution As Rights Of Those On Death Row Violated

Singapore: Malaysian Man Hanged In Unlawful Drug-Related Execution As Rights Of Those On Death Row Violated

Joint Press Statement
18 February 2026, Statements

The undersigned organizations condemn in the strongest terms the execution of Malaysian Lingkesvaran Rajendaren in Singapore on 11 February 2026. In violation of international human rights law and standards, he was sentenced to the mandatory death penalty for a drug related offence; and his execution proceeded after the Supreme Court rejected two appeals, as he sought judicial review of his claims of unfair proceedings at trial and ill-treatment while on death row, among other concerns. We renew our call on the government of Singapore to urgently establish a moratorium on executions as a first step towards full abolition of this cruel punishment.

In 2018 Lingkesvaran Rajendaren was convicted under Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act of trafficking 52.77g of diamorphine (heroin). His execution was the fourth of five carried out in Singapore in 2026, all involving men convicted of drug-related offences, following on from a record-high number of executions – 17– in 2025. 

On 10 and 11 February, the Court of Appeal rejected – without considering the substantive claims– two appeals on behalf of Lingkesvaran Rajendaren. The appeals, one submitted by him in a self-represented capacity and the other by his lawyer, sought a review of his claims of unfair proceedings at trial and ill-treatment while on death row. The Court adduced delays with the filing of the appeal, on one hand, and the irrelevance for his conviction and sentence of the outcome of the review of his treatment in detention, on the other, as main reasons to reject the appeals. Importantly, in one of the two judgments, Court of Appeal Justice Woo Bih Li JAD stated:

Though the carrying into effect of [a death] sentence will necessarily prevent a [prisoner awaiting capital punishment, PACP] from seeing through any pending proceedings which he may be interested (including proceedings which are brought by him and may require his testimony), this is not intrinsically objectionable, as PACPs stand in a very different position from other persons who have not lost their right to life by reason of a lawfully imposed death sentence. In short, PACPs have their rights lawfully attenuated and any proceeding which does not affect the legality of the conviction or sentence or come within a limited exception of State-brought proceedings is not a relevant pending proceeding to obtain a stay of execution. 

The reasoning in this paragraph is a chilling indication of the determination of the authorities of Singapore to pursue executions at all costs, and a disregard of international human rights law and standards. It also reflects the cumulative impact of legislative and policy steps taken by the government since 2024 to curtail execution notice periods, as well as to further restrict the grounds for applications to stay executions. It is gravely concerning in its denial of theinherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family” recognized in the first line of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It violates the principle of “equality of arms” – a fundamental principle of fairness and rule of law that guarantees the equal powers of prosecution and defence before the courts – by giving exceptional status to “State-brought proceedings” in applications to determine matters with life or death implications. 

Our organizations are further concerned that several other alarming human rights violations affected Lingkesvaran Rajendaren’s case, driven by the continued disregard on the part of the Government of Singapore of international safeguards set out under international law and standards to protect people against the arbitrary deprivation of life. We reiterate that, as it was for several other cases before his, these violations render the deprivation of life in his case unlawful and arbitrary under international human rights law and standards. The prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of life is recognized as a peremptory norm of customary international law and non-derogable. The imposition of the death penalty following trials and appeals that do not fully meet international standards for a fair trial violates the right to life.

The use of the death penalty for drug-related offences violates international human rights law and standards, which restrict its use to the “most serious crimes”, most recently interpreted as referring to “crimes of extreme gravity involving intentional killing”. Several UN bodies, including the International Narcotics Control Board, have repeatedly clarified that drug-related offences do not meet this threshold. The imposition of the mandatory death penalty, which removes judges’ power to consider the particular circumstances of the offence and the background of the convicted person, also violates international law and standards.

The High Court found Lingkesvaran Rajendaren to have been involved only in transporting drugs, meeting the “courier” requirement under the Misuse of Drugs Act. However, the prosecution did not provide him with a certificate confirming that he substantively assisted investigations to disrupt further drug trafficking activities – a second condition to qualify for sentencing discretion in these cases – leaving no option to the judge but to impose the mandatory death penalty. This certificate requirement effectively shifts the sentencing decision to the prosecution in violation of the right to a fair trial, as it effectively places the decision between a life-or-death sentence in the hands of an official who is not a neutral party in the trial and should not have such powers. It further undermines the independence of the judiciary, breaking down the separation that must exist between prosecution and court; and violates the principle of “equality of arms”.

Lingkesvaran Rajendaren’s conviction also relied on the unfair presumption of guilt under the Misuse of Drugs Act, which the prosecution can invoke at trial to infer knowledge or possession of the drugs, shifting the burden of proof on to the defendant to be rebutted to the reversed –and therefore higher – legal standard of “on balance of probabilities”. Legal presumptions of guilt violate the right to be presumed innocent – a peremptory norm of customary international law – and other fair trial guarantees under international human rights law that mandate that the burden of proving all charges rests on the prosecution. In addition, presumptions of guilt have also had the effect of lowering the threshold of evidence needed to secure a conviction in capital cases. 

The international community must not remain silent and take action to hold the Singapore government accountable for the repeated breaches of international safeguards and restrictions carried out in capital cases, including in the name of flawed drug control and security narratives. We oppose the death penalty unconditionally and renew our call on the Government of Singapore to immediately establish a moratorium on all executions; commute all death sentences; and review national legislation to bring it in line with international human rights law and standards, pending full abolition of the death penalty.

 

This statement is co-signed by:

  • Amnesty International
  • Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network
  • Capital Punishment Justice Project
  • Harm Reduction International
  • World Coalition Against the Death Penalty

INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS OPPOSE THE DEATH PENALTY FOR FORMER SOUTH KOREAN PRESIDENT YOON SUK-YEOL WHO IS ON TRIAL FOR INSURGENCY


International Human Rights Groups Oppose the Death Penalty for Former South Korean President Yoon Suk-Yeol Who is on Trial for Insurgency

Joint Press Statement
29 January 2026, Statements

The Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) and partner civil society organizations oppose the decision of South Korean prosecutors to seek the death penalty for former President Yoon Suk-Yeol during the final hearing of his trial for insurgency on 13 January 2026. ADPAN and partners oppose the death penalty in all circumstances. Pending full abolition, states have a duty to uphold their international commitments. South Korea is a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in which the death penalty is an exception to the right to life in very specific terms for intentional killing. Insurgency, as such, does not fall into this category.

We urge special counsel Cho Eun-suk to reconsider seeking the death penalty against former President Yoon prior to the delivery of the verdict and sentencing by the Seoul Central District Court on 19 February. If Yoon is sentenced to death by this court or on appeal, we urge the South Korean government to maintain the 28-year de facto moratorium on carrying out the death penalty.

Justice and Accountability for Former President Yoon’s Martial Law Proclamation and Attempt to Occupy the National Assembly by Force Must Be Pursued

Former President Yoon’s proclamation of martial law and deployment of military and police forces to occupy the National Assembly on the night of 3-4 December 2024 may be considered a grave assault on freedom, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in South Korea. The precise motive for Yoon’s actions remains murky, but it is clear that there was no war, armed conflict or similar national emergency at the time that may justify the imposition of martial law under Article 77 of the South Korean Constitution.

Moreover, under Article 4 of the ICCPR, to which South Korea is a Party, derogations are permitted only in time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation to the extent strictly required by situation and may never undermine non-derogable rights, including the right to life, protected under Article 6 of the ICCPR. The resort to emergency powers places fundamental rights at heightened risk and threatens democratic governance, particularly when exercised without strict necessity, proportionality, and effective oversight. It is also a context in which the use of capital punishment is especially dangerous, as legal safeguards are strained and the risk of irreversible injustice increases.

The last time that South Korea was under martial law from 1979 to 1981 ushered in a new military dictatorship led by General Chun Doo-hwan, accompanied by brutal killings and the arrest of hundreds of people demanding the return to democracy in the city of Gwangju and elsewhere. While the recent period of martial law ended after only five and a half hours without bloodshed, it brought back the specter of the authoritarian past. It could have resulted in the arbitrary deprivation of life and other violations and abuses and caused irreparable damage to democracy.

The National Assembly subsequently impeached former President Yoon and the Constitutional Court removed him from office in April 2025. Now, he and his accomplices are on trial for insurgency. Should they be found liable after due process, they must face stern justice for their unconstitutional, unlawful, and unjustified criminal acts.

The Death Penalty for Former President Yoon Will Not Advance Justice, But Undermine Human Rights

Accountability must be exercised in full compliance with international human rights law. Under Article 6 of the ICCPR, the death penalty is tolerated only as a narrowly confined exception and under the strictest conditions for the most serious crimes. International human rights bodies have consistently emphasized that States must move progressively toward abolition and refrain from steps that revive or normalize capital punishment.

Following the democratic transition, South Korea has maintained an undeclared moratorium on the carrying out of death sentences for more than 28 years. Legislative bills to abolish the death penalty have been proposed in every session of the South Korean National Assembly, including the current one, since 1999. Many sponsors were pro-democracy activists under military regimes, including those who had been sentenced to death for political offenses. The third challenge against the death penalty, which was filed in 2019, is pending before the Constitutional Court that previously upheld its constitutionality by a 7-2 vote in 1996 and by a 5-4 vote in 2010.

Seeking the death penalty against former President Yoon—after three decades of gradual progress towards abolition—represents a clear regression and risks re-legitimizing capital punishment in violation of South Korea’s international human rights commitments. These commitments are reinforced by successive UN General Assembly resolutions calling for a universal moratorium on executions, including Resolutions 75/183 (2020), 77/222 (2022), and 79/179 (2024), which South Korea has supported.

The UN Human Rights Committee has stressed that “the most serious crimes” in Article 6 of the ICCPR must be read restrictively as “crimes of extreme gravity involving intentional killing.” This interpretation has been endorsed by UN Human Rights Council resolutions on the death penalty, including Resolutions 48/9 (2021), 54/35 (2023), and 60/17 (2025), which South Korea has also supported.

The death penalty does not advance justice. It does not promote healing, restore trust in institutions, or strengthen democratic governance. Instead, it forecloses the possibility of remedy in cases of error and introduces irreversible state violence. The same will be the case for the death penalty against former President Yoon. It risks doing a disservice to justice and undermining the right to life, which is protected by South Korean constitutional law and international human rights law.

What Is Needed Instead of the Death Penalty

Abuses of emergency powers are addressed through strong institutional safeguards and rights-respecting accountability—not execution. Former President Yoon’s declaration of martial law exposed weaknesses that capital punishment cannot remedy. Clear legal limits on emergency powers, independent oversight, and the effective protection of fundamental freedoms are necessary to ensure accountability and prevent recurrence. The death penalty, if revived instead of abolished, may become a tool that aggravates future abuses of emergency powers.

We emphasize that opposing the death penalty does not mean opposing accountability or calling for impunity. Yoon’s actions must be addressed by penalties that are lawful, proportionate, and consistent with international human rights standards.

Accountability for abuses of power must reinforce the rule of law, not resurrect a punishment that may undermine the right to life and run counter to international human rights standards.

Our Call

ADPAN and the undersigned civil society organizations urge that:

  1. Special counsel Cho Eun-suk withdraw the pursuit of the death penalty against former President Yoon in the present proceedings and to refrain from seeking capital punishment in this or in any other case; instead, he should seek penalties that are lawful, proportionate, and consistent with international human rights law;
  2. The Seoul Central District Court exercise heightened restraint at sentencing, in line with South Korea’s international human rights obligations and its long-standing non-use of the death penalty; and
  3. Authorities of the Republic of Korea to maintain the moratorium on executions as a concrete step toward abolition, commute all death sentences to prison terms, resubmit an opinion of the Minister of Justice to the Constitutional Court in relation to the pending death penalty case (2019 Hun-Ba 59) distancing the Minister from the previous opinions supporting the retention of the death penalty, and to commit to the full abolition of the death penalty, including by taking steps toward accession to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Capital Punishment Justice Project (CPJP)
  3. The Advocates for Human Rights (TAHR)
  4. Together Against the Death Penalty (ECPM)
  5. World Coalition Against the Death Penalty (WCADP)
  6. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
  7. Human Rights Watch (HRW)

International Solidarity Protecting the Right to Protest: International Solidarity with Indonesia #StopPoliceBrutality!

International Solidarity Protecting the Right to Protest: International Solidarity with Indonesia #StopPoliceBrutality!

Joint Press Statement
31 August 2025, Statements

On 28th and 29th August 2025, tens of thousands of Indonesian workers protested across provinces and sub districts such as Manokwari, Semarang, Solo, Magelang, Medan, Bengkulu, and Tegal with the epicenter of protest in front of the House of Representatives (DPR) in Jakarta. Protesters demanded a minimum wage increase of 8.5 – 10% for 2026, a halt to mass layoffs, the abolition of outsourcing, comprehensive tax reform, the enactment of a new labor law in line with Constitutional Court Decision No. 168/2024, as well as the passage of the Asset Confiscation Bill and revision of the Election Law. These demands reflect workers’ fundamental rights to decent work, social protection, and democratic participation. 

Three days earlier, 25th August 2025, hundreds of students and civilians were protesting in front of the DPR building after the recent report that lawmakers had received several upgrades on allowances, one of which regarding monthly housing allowance for 50 million rupiah ($3,000 per person), which makes 10 times the minimum wage in Jakarta, while a period of massive layoffs for more than 80,000 labours, influx of more than 100% to property tax, as well as budget cuts for education and universities occurred in the same timeline. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) documented that the demonstration ended with 12 injured civilians and 351 arbitrarily detained – of whom 196 were minors – and the use of water cannon as well as expired tear gas which indiscriminately affected residential areas. 

The state apparatus’ responses to the 28th and 29th August protest raised deeper grave concerns. KontraS documented a series of excessive use of force practices from the Indonesian National Police (Polri) which include acts of live bullet shootings, torture, assaults, arbitrary arrests, forced dispersals, and the uncontrolled use of crowd-control weapons. Hence, resulting in more or less 113 severely injured civilians, 3 deaths, and 734 arrests. These figures illustrate an alarming pattern of systematic violence against civilians exercising their constitutional rights. 

One of the most tragic incidents occurred in Jakarta on 28 August 2025, when Affan Kurniawan, a young online ride-hailing driver and sole breadwinner for his family, was killed after being run over by a tactical vehicle of the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) during the protest. His death not only represents an arbitrary deprivation of life in violation of Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), but also illustrates the disproportionate and indiscriminate use of force by Indonesian security forces against civilians. The killing of Affan underscores how state violence directly targets ordinary citizens whose only “crime” was exercising their right to be present in a public protest space. 

The use of excessive force, arbitrary arrests, and acts amounting to torture not only contravene Indonesia’s obligations under international human rights law including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture (CAT), but also directly violate Indonesia’s own national legal framework. In particular, Indonesian Regulation of the National Police Chief (Perkap) No. 1 of 2009 on the Use of Force and Perkap

No. 16 of 2006 on Crowd Control explicitly require law enforcement officers to adhere to the principles of legality, necessity, proportionality, and accountability. The current practices reveal systemic breaches of these standards, undermining the rule of law and eroding public trust in state institutions. 

For the worse, former Chief of State Intelligence Agency A.M Hendropriyono narrates that an actor outside Indonesia orchestrated the demonstration. It has been a stigmatization pattern that one of the main narratives set up by the state apparatus is CSOs’ involvement with international entities and how the organizations are perceived as the henchmen of foreign or western entities (antek asing). 

The mentioned incidents are not isolated. Instead, they reflect a recurring pattern of police violence against peaceful assemblies in Indonesia, from past protests such as the Reformasi Dikorupsi in 2019, Omnibus Law in 2020, Peringatan Darurat in 2024, to demonstrations against National Strategic Projects such as Rempang in 2023 and Papuan protests. Each cycle of repression, characterized by excessive force, mass arrests, and impunity further entrenches a culture of fear and silences legitimate dissent. Such systemic abuse represents not only a failure to uphold democratic principles but also a deliberate attempt to delegitimize civic movements that demand accountability and justice. 

A disturbing and recurring practice within this systemic violence is the pattern of enforced disappearances where demonstrators, especially students and young activists, are forcibly taken by state agents without acknowledgment of their whereabouts for hours or even days, often without concrete legal justification or due process. This tactic instills and mirrors the legacy of enforced disappearances from the 1998 authoritarian regime. 

The lack of Indonesia’s accession to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (ICPPED) has created a legal vacuum, allowing such practices to persist with impunity. The state’s failure to ratify this international human rights standard eliminates critical safeguards to prevent recurrence, ensuring legal accountability, as well as protection from arbitrary state-led abductions. 

Simultaneously, there are alarming efforts to suppress press freedom, also a form of mirroring from the past authoritarian regime. During the recent protests, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) on 28th August 2025 was documented to actively pressure media outlets to refrain from covering scenes of police brutality or other scenes from the protests as this state-led information blackout further impedes transparency. Thus, the state is combining forced disappearances with media censorship, replicating a dangerous 1998 pattern. 

Thus, we civil society urge the Indonesian Government the following: 

1.) The National Police (Polri) is to immediately end the use of excessive force, ensure all crowd-control operations comply with Perkap No. 1 of 2009 and international human rights standards such as the UN Guidance of Less-Lethal Weapons and UN Code of

Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials, and impartially investigate officers responsible for abuses. 

2.) The National Police Commission (Kompolnas) is to exercise independent oversight by launching an urgent inquiry into police violence on 28th August 2025 and recommend disciplinary and criminal sanctions. 

3.) Police Institutions (Polri and Kompolnas) and Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) must cease all practices of enforced disappearances as well as short-term enforced disappearances and ensure prompt release and protection of all arbitrarily detained civilians. 

4.) The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) to conduct a prompt, impartial, and transparent investigation into all cases of torture, arbitrary arrest, and extrajudicial killings related to recent protests, and provide protection for victims and witnesses. The Institution should also intensify monitoring to specific components in the incidents such as the excessive use of crowd-control weapons including tear gas, batons, and rubber bullets, to tactical vehicles particularly in the incident where a ride-hailing driver was run over by a Brimob tactical vehicle during the demonstration. 

5.) The Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR RI) to ensure genuine legislative oversight by summoning the Chief of Police for public accountability hearings, demanding explanations for the unlawful repression, and guaranteeing that all future crowd-control operations strictly comply with national law and international standards. The DPR must also immediately expedite the deliberation and passage of laws safeguarding labor rights, social protection, and civic freedoms. As the very institution being protested by the people, the DPR cannot hide behind repression, it must face Indonesian civil society directly, listen to their grievances, and act responsibly to restore public trust. As the main actor being protested by civilians, the parliament should also directly face Indonesian civil society elements as the protest 

6.) The Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) must immediately ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (ICPPED) and adopt necessary domestic legislation to prevent recurring practices of enforced disappearances, ensure timely and impartial investigations, and to hold all perpetrators accountable 

7.) The President of Indonesia publicly condemned police violence, guaranteed the protection of the right to peaceful assembly, and ensured Indonesia’s full compliance with its international human rights obligations, including the requirement that any trials related to the police violence during demonstrations be conducted in a transparent and open manner. The police should conduct evaluation in handling demonstrations by prioritizing a non-violent approach. 

Sunday, 31 August 2025 

Organizations 

  1. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), Indonesia 2. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), Indonesia 
  2. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
  3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) 5. Public Association “Dignity”, Kazakhstan 
  4. IMPARSIAL, the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor, Indonesia 
  5. The Peoples Participation, Initiative and Partnership Strengthening Foundation (YAPPIKA), Indonesia 
  6. Indonesia Justice and Peace Foundation (YKPI), Indonesia 
  7. Indonesia Judicial Research Society (IJRS), Indonesia 
  8. BarengWarga, Indonesia 
  9. Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law 12. the Civil Society Coalition against Transnational Organized Crime /CATOC 13. Manushya Foundation (Laos/Thailand) 
  10. Colors Rainbow (Myanmar) 
  11. Peoples of Longing, Timor Leste 
  12. 2030 Youth Force Indonesia (Yayasan 2030 Prapta Nusa), Indonesia 17. Asosiasaun Chega! Ba Ita (ACbit), Timor Leste 
  13. Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), Indonesia 
  14. LBH APIK Jakarta 
  15. Kuala Lumpur Debate 
  16. Indonesia Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) 
  17. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD) 
  18. KOMPAKS (Anti Sexual Violence Civil Society Coalition) 
  19. Support Group and Resource Center on Sexuality Studies (SGRC) Indonesia 25. Women’s March Jakarta 2025 Committee 
  20. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) 
  21. Yayasan Tifa (Tifa Foundation) 
  22. Activate Rights ( Bangladesh) 
  23. WITNESS 
  24. kotakhitam Forum 
  25. PERIN+1S – C2O library & collaborative 
  26. PIKAT Demokrasi 
  27. Public Virtue Research Institute 
  28. Humanis 
  29. SINDIKASI (Serikat Pekerja Media & Industri Kreatif untuk Demokrasi) Jawa Timur 36. Suara Muda Kelas Pekerja Partai Buruh (SMKP) 
  30. Trend Asia (Indonesia) 
  31. Solidarity Collective TH (Thailand) 
  32. Progresip.id 
  33. Emancipate Indonesia 
  34. ILGA Asia 
  35. Perkumpulan Untuk Pemilu dan Demokrasi (Perludem), Indonesia 43. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus 
  36. Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) 
  37. TAPOL (UK) 
  38. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team (Regional)
  39. Asia Floor Wage Alliance (AFWA) Indonesia 
  40. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM), Malaysia 
  41. Partai Rakyat Pekerja (PRP), Indonesia 
  42. Lembaga Informasi Perburuhan Sedane (LIPS) Indonesia 
  43. Konfederasi Serikat Nasional (KSN), Indonesia 
  44. Konfederasi Pergerakan Rakyat Indonesia (KPRI), Indonesia 
  45. Transnational Palm Oil Labour Solidarity (TPOLS)
  46. Human Rights Alert Manipur, India
  47. Numun Fund
  48. National Union of Workers in Hospital Support and Allied Services (NUWHSAS), Malaysia
  49. Studio Batu 
  50. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
  51. Kelompok Jaya Bersama (KJB) Indonesia
  52. Lingkaran Advokasi dan Riset (Link-AR Borneo)
  53. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
  54. Social Justice Indonesia
  55. Legal Dignity, Malaysia 
  56. Open Net (Korea) 
  57. Ruang Independen Community, Indonesia
  58. Spring Revolution Security (Myanmar) 
  59. ICT Watch, Indonesia 
  60. Kolektif Bengkel Kabel Bandung, Indonesia 
  61. End Female Genital Cutting Singapore 
  62. Rohingya Maìyafuìnor Collaborative Network 
  63. Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia/The Union of Indonesian Migrants Worker (SBMI) 72. Sigaw ng Kabataan Coalition (SKC) Philippines 
  64. Serve the People Association (SPA), Taiwan 
  65. Foundation for Media Alternatives (Philippines) 
  66. Human Rights Online Philippines (HRonlinePH) 
  67. Arus Pelangi (Indonesia) 
  68. ALTSEAN-Burma 
  69. Asia Feminist LBQ Network (AFLN) 
  70. Korean House for International Solidarity (South Korea) 
  71. International Peoples Assembly 
  72. Partido Lakas ng Masa (PLM), Philippines 
  73. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) 
  74. FIAN Indonesia 
  75. Watch Indonesia! e.V 
  76. Bumi Setara 
  77. 18+ Coalition (Koalisi 18+), Indonesia 
  78. Perempuan Mahardhika (Indonesia) 
  79. Serbuk Kalbar 
  80. Warisan Ingatan
  81. New Bloom (Taiwan) 
  82. Cita Tanah Mahardika, Indonesia 
  83. Proklamasi Anak Indonesia 
  84. Advocacy Forum (Nepal) 
  85. Suriya Women’s Development Centre (Sri Lanka) 
  86. Asia Democracy Network (ADN) 
  87. Indorelawan, Indonesia 
  88. Kait Nusantara, Indonesia 
  89. Beyond Borders Malaysia 
  90. Movement for Alternatives and Solidarity in Southeast Asia 100. KontraS Aceh 
  91. Greater Equitable Measures (GEM) 
  92. Strength For Queer – Myanmar 
  93. A New Burma 
  94. Action Committee for Democracy Development (ACDD) 105. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP) 106. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization 107. Blood Money Campaign 
  95. Creative Home 
  96. Equality Myanmar (EQMM) 
  97. Generation Wave 
  98. Generations’ Solidarity Coalition of Nationalities- GSCN 112. Justice & Equality Focus 
  99. Kyae Lak Myae 
  100. Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma) 115. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytical 
  101. New Step Women Empowerment Group/Network 117. Progressive Muslim Youth Association (PMYA) 118. Progressive Voice (PV) 
  102. Queers of Burma Alternative 
  103. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation 
  104. Southern Initiatives 
  105. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M) 123. Women’s League of Burma (WLB) 
  106. Yangon Medical Network 
  107. Volunteers in Myanmar 
  108. MyaYar Knowledge Tree 
  109. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC) 
  110. Defend Myanmar Democracy 
  111. ယိမ်းနပွဲ့ါး – Yain Nweh Par (Rainbow Win The Storm – RIS) 130. ASR-ASSOCIATION of SPRING RAINBOW 
  112. Yangon Deaf Group 
  113. Muslim Youth Network 
  114. Sisters2Sisters
  115. In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND) – Philippines 135. ProyekDekolonial 
  116. Vuka! Coalition for Civic Action 
  117. Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM) – Philippines 
  118. Saribuhay UP Diliman (Philippines) 
  119. Defence of Human Rights, Pakistan 
  120. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN), Maldives 
  121. NGO: Environment and humanitarian actions for well-being 142. Salam for Democracy and Human Rights (SALAM DHR) 
  122. Association for Democracy in the Maldives (ADM), Maldives 144. Solidaritas Aktivis Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI) Diaspora 145. Asia Citizen Future Association (ACFA) 
  123. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) 
  124. SILAKA-CAMBODIA 
  125. Southeast Asian Human Rights and Peace Studies Network (SEAHRN) 149. Yayasan Keadilan Untuk Rakyat Marginal (Kurama Foundation) 150. Kapatiran sa Dalawang Gulong (KAGULONG), Philippines 151. Himpunan Advokasi Rakyat Malaysia (HARAM), Malaysia 152. Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH), Malaysia 153. Cross-Cultural Foundation (CrCF) Thailand 
  126. Jeunesse Innovante et Restauration du Bien-être (JERESTAURE BIEN ETRE) 155. North South Initiative, Malaysia 
  127. KontraS Tanah Papua 
  128. True Colors Coalition (Philippines) 
  129. Philippine Misereor Partnership Inc. (PMPI) 
  130. The Biodiversity Project, Sri Lanka 
  131. Mayday Multimedia, Philippines 
  132. Philippine Labor Movement Archive (PLMA) 
  133. Pusat KOMAS, Malaysia 
  134. MY World Mexico: Hub of Action for Sustainable Development, Mexico 164. Asia Monitor Resource Centre 
  135. Youth and young Journalist peace and Democracy cultural 166. Center Timor-Leste 
  136. Milk Tea Alliance Thailand 
  137. Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND), Philippines 169. Asia Democracy Network (ADN) 
  138. Indonesia untuk Kemanusiaan (IKa) 
  139. Bytes for All (B4A), Pakistan 
  140. Weaving Women’s Voices in Southeast Asia (WEAVE) 
  141. Beyond the Hijab, Singapore 
  142. ALIANSI GERAKAN REFORMA AGRARIA (AGRA), Indonesia 175. Odhikar, Bangladesh 
  143. SEAPIL (Southeast Asia Public Lawyers Interest), Southeast Asia Region 177. Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), Philippines
  144. Agham Youth UP Diliman (Philippines) 
  145. Global Citizen Society, Maldives 
  146. Kemban Kolektif, Malaysia 
  147. Women’s March, Malaysia 
  148. Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Center), Malaysia 183. Initiative for International Dialogue (IID), Philippines 
  149. Kalyanamitra, Indonesia 
  150. BeWithYou Indonesia 
  151. Bright Future, Thailand 
  152. Fat Liberation London, UK 
  153. Vajpayee Research Foundation, India 
  154. Serikat Pekerja Angkutan Indonesia (SPAI) 
  155. Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Ireland 
  156. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation 
  157. Labor Kommunity 
  158. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS), Argentina 194. Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR) 
  159. EngageMedia Collective 
  160. Youth Initiative (YI), Nepal 
  161. Nepal Development Initiative (NEDI), Nepal 
  162. Defence of Human Rights Pakistan 
  163. Capital Punishment Justice Project, Australia 
  164. Psychological Responsiveness NGO, Mongolia
  165. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), South Korea 202. Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK), Philippines 203. Sekolah Pemikiran Perempuan (SPP/ The School of Women’s Thought) 204. Ch.nrw.flinta
  166. N.C.F.H.Collective (SEA)
  167. QueerPunch (SEA)
  168. Can Yalcinkaya, Australia
  169. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
  170. Kenya Human Rights Commission, Kenya
  171. Legal Resources Center, South Africa
  172. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network

Individual 

  1. Taufiq Hanafi, Indonesia 
  2. Safina Maulida, Indonesia 
  3. Shoeb Abdullah 
  4. Ganies Oktaviana, Indonesia 
  5. Achmad Assifa 
  6. Cyprianus Lilik Kridmantoro Putro 
  7. Mathurin K 
  8. Xun-ling Au
  9. James 
  10. Choo Chon Kai 
  11. Vox 
  12. RESI- TIMOR LESTE 
  13. Saza Faradilla 
  14. Reihana Mohideen 
  15. Bima Arthayuda, Indonesia 
  16. Raffy Oktavian, Indonesia 
  17. Ni Putu Candra Dewi, Indonesia 
  18. Syahar Banu, Indonesia 
  19. Federico Fuentes, editor LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal, Australia. 20. Nurashikin Binte A Rahim, Singapore 
  20. Gloria Truly Estrelita, Indonesia 
  21. Mamik Sri Supatmi, Indonesia 
  22. Syahmi Zulfadhli Abdullah, Brunei 
  23. Bikash Basnet, Nepal 
  24. Eko Waluyo, Indonesian solidarity 
  25. Atmaezer Hariara Simanjuntak 
  26. Cho 
  27. Megan Steven, Malaysia 
  28. Bernard Vijayabalan, Singapore 
  29. Ja Fuentes, Philippines 
  30. Lea Pamungkas, Amsterdam 
  31. Adhiraaj AnandNATWA HINDINA Pierre 
  32. Reichele Corona, Philippines 
  33. Rahmat Muhamad, Medan, Sumatera Utara 
  34. Madalena Timor Leste 
  35. Thomas Rieger, Jerman 
  36. Charles Zander Deluna, Philippines 
  37. Betty Yolanda, Indonesia 
  38. Ellirie Aviles, Philippines 
  39. Peter Boyle, Australia 
  40. Etienne ZOUNDE 
  41. Jhay de Jesus, Philippines 
  42. Dulanjaya Mahagamage, Sri Lanka 
  43. Kasumi Ranasinghe Arachchige, Sri Lanka 
  44. Wildan Siregar, Indonesia 
  45. OTOLORIN Adandé Barthélémy 
  46. Cristiana Ximenes Belo, Timor-Leste 
  47. Prints para sa Bayan /for the People 
  48. Celia L. Sevilla, Philippines 
  49. Attitaya, Thailand 
  50. Fiza Awan, Thailand 
  51. Maya Kornelia Musa, Indonesia
  52. Kanhaiya Kumar, India 
  53. Myriam Selhi, Canada 
  54. Lulu Keng, Taiwan 
  55. Erin McConnell, USA 
  56. Lisabona Rahman, Germany
  57. Alejandra Rojas Giraldo, Colombia
  58. Christine Holike, Germany
  59. Semjidmaa Choijil, Mongolia 
  60. Ganga Bahadur Gautam, Nepal 
  61. Di Wu, Belgium

ADPAN And Partner Human Rights Organizations Denounce The Expansion Of The Death Penalty For Drug Offenses In The Maldives

ADPAN And Partner Human Rights Organizations Denounce The Expansion Of The Death Penalty For Drug Offenses In The Maldives

Joint Press Statement
9 December 2025, Statements

The Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) and partner human rights organizations denounce the decision of the People’s Majlis (Parliament of the Maldives) to expand the scope of the death penalty to drug-trafficking offenses through amendments to the Drugs Act.

On 3 December 2025, the Parliament approved amendments which introduced capital punishment — subject to a unanimous decision of the Supreme Court bench — for the importation of more than 350 grams of cannabis, 250 grams of diamorphine (heroin), or 100 grams of other specified drugs. The amendments, which were ratified by the President on 6 December, also removed the possibility of commuting such sentences through clemency and barred plea agreements.

Drug Offenses are Not ‘Most Serious Crimes’ — Making Maldives’ Death Penalty Expansion Unlawful under International Law

The amendments are plainly incompatible with the Maldives’ obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which it acceded on 19 September 2006. Article 6(2) of the ICCPR provides that, where the death penalty remains, it may be imposed only for the “most serious crimes” — a phrase consistently interpreted as limited to offenses

involving intentional killing. Several UN bodies have found that drug offenses do not fall within this category.

By widening capital punishment to drug trafficking, the Maldives is also acting against the stated goal of abolition of the death penalty enshrined in paragraph 6 of the same article of the ICCPR, steps outside accepted international norms, weakens its human rights standing, and embraces a policy with no demonstrated unique deterrent effect. It also heightens the risk of irreversible injustice, including in cases involving vulnerable individuals and flawed investigations.

The Amendments Do Not Address Actual Drug Policy Challenges

We recognize the serious challenges that the Maldives faces in relation to drug control. However, in addition to violating international restrictions to the use of the death penalty, the amendments do not respond to what Maldivian communities, public health professionals, and rights advocates repeatedly identify as the real root causes of those challenges.

For years, civil society groups and health practitioners have stressed that the country lacks a comprehensive harm reduction framework, including basic health-based interventions and overdose prevention measures. Access to rehabilitation and community-based treatment remains limited, leaving many people without meaningful pathways to recovery. Reintegration support for young people emerging from the justice system is similarly inadequate, contributing to cycles of vulnerability and relapse.

At the same time, the social and economic factors that contribute to people engaging in the drug market — such as marginalization, unemployment, and poverty — remain insufficiently addressed despite being central to long-term solutions. These gaps, rather than the absence of the death penalty, are what sustain the country’s drug control challenges.

Experience across the region shows that effective drug control depends far more on addressing the root causes that increase the risks for people who use drugs or that lead people to engage in the drug trade, and not on the death penalty. Executions add nothing to the Maldives’ ability to dismantle drug trafficking networks.

A Step Backwards for the Maldives

This legislative shift also isolates the Maldives from its own constitutional aspirations and global practice. The country has not executed a person for decades, even though a regulation aimed at facilitating executions was adopted in 2014 and officials repeatedly declared their intentions to resume executions, including last year. The government has long justified the use of capital punishment on the basis that Islamic Shariah prescribes it, but only for a narrow category of crimes – a category that does not include drug offenses. This expansion therefore also breaks the very rationale that the government has repeatedly invoked to defend its retention of the death penalty.

Expanding capital punishment for non-lethal offenses undermines its human rights commitments and further diminishes its international credibility.

What the Maldives needs is a public health oriented and community centered response that supports people instead of punishing them irreversibly through the death penalty. ADPAN stands ready to support the Maldives in building such a response.

ADPAN calls on the Government of the Maldives to:

  1. Repeal the amendment introducing the death penalty for drug-related offenses;
  2. Repeal the Regulation on Conducting Investigations Into and the Implementation of Penalties Arising from the Offense of Intentional Murder (2014/R-33);
  3. Maintain the moratorium on executions and adopt a clear plan towards full abolition;
  4. Invest in and implement comprehensive harm reduction programs, treatment services, and health and rights-based drug policies; and
  5. Engage openly with civil society, public health experts, and international partners on sustainable and humane approaches to drug control.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Masyarakat
  5. Harm Reduction International
  6. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  7. World Coalition Against the Death Penalty
  8. Justice Project Pakistan
  9. Odhikar (Bangladesh)
  10. Parliamentarians for Global Action (PGA)
  11. Redemption Pakistan
  12. Amnesty International
  13. Transformative Justice Collective
  14. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
  15. Human Rights Watch
  16. The Advocates for Human Rights
  17. Freedoms Collective Trust 
  18. Coalition Against the Death Penalty

ADPAN Condemns The Imposition Of The Death Penalty In Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal


ADPAN Condemns The Imposition Of The Death Penalty In Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal

Joint Press Statement
3 December 2025, Statements

The Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) strongly condemns the imposition of the death penalty by the International Crimes Tribunal‑1 (ICT-1) of Bangladesh in the case of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina following her conviction for crimes against humanity in relation to the lethal crackdown on the student-led protests that commenced in June 2024.

As the regional network of civil society organizations and individuals working for the abolition of the death penalty across the Asia Pacific, we reiterate our firm position that justice must never be equated with executions. The death penalty does not enhance accountability, nor does it strengthen the rule of law. On the contrary, it undermines the legitimacy of justice processes by perpetuating a form of state-sanctioned killing.

A Landmark Trial Undermined by Flawed Punishment

While the trial marked a significant moment in Bangladesh’s efforts to reckon with the grave events of 2024, as witnesses came forward voluntarily and a robust evidentiary base was built, the inclusion and imposition of the death penalty at the ICT-1 seriously compromises the legitimacy of its proceedings.

The imposition of the death penalty remains incompatible with Bangladesh’s obligations under international human rights law, particularly in light of the mounting global consensus towards abolition and Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which calls for the restrictive application of the death penalty.

The imposition of the death penalty sends the wrong message at this critical juncture in Bangladesh — that the death penalty is necessary to signal moral outrage, deliver closure, and ensure that the system is ‘tough enough’ on grave crimes. These are dangerous misconceptions. Capital punishment is not an expression of justice. It is its failure.

Trial in Absentia: Exceptional Punishment Demand Exceptional Safeguards

The trial of Sheikh Hasina was conducted in absentia following her flight from Bangladesh to India on 5 August 2024. While trial in absentia may be permitted in exceptional cases, such trials bear a corresponding obligation to uphold the highest guarantees of a fair trial — precisely because a central pillar of justice, the participation of the accused, is absent.

This concern is not about mere technicalities; it goes into the heart of whether the process meets the threshold of fairness required in international law — particularly when the punishment is grave and irreversible, such as the death penalty. 

In transitional settings, the appearance of fairness matters as much as fairness itself. A verdict that risks being perceived as politically motivated or procedurally questionable, especially one that ends in a sentence of death, can fracture public trust rather than rebuild it.

The Deeper Problem: Misconceptions About What Delivers Justice

The sentence of the death penalty underscores a deeper flaw in Bangladesh’s criminal justice landscape: the belief that the death penalty delivers justice, offers closure to victims, and signals moral condemnation. These assumptions are profoundly misguided. Capital punishment is state-sanctioned violence masquerading as accountability. It entrenches retribution over reform and renders any miscarriage of justice permanent.

Accountability for grave crimes demands seriousness of commitment, but not brutality. It must be pursued through penalties that reflect the gravity of the crimes while remaining consistent with human rights norms. The death penalty has no place in a justice system that seeks restoration and nation rebuilding.

ADPAN, therefore, urges the Bangladesh Interim Government to take a principled and rights‑based path forward: abandon capital punishment and cultivate a justice system that does not mirror the violence that it seeks to condemn. Work towards a justice system that rebuilds and restores, rather than one which replicates the violence of the past.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Capital Punishment Justice Project (CPJP)
  3. Redemption Pakistan
  4. Freedoms Collective Trust (FCT)

ADPAN Urges Bangladesh to Reconsider Death Penalty Clause in New Enforced Disappearance Ordinance​​

ADPAN Urges Bangladesh to Reconsider Death Penalty Clause in New Enforced Disappearance Ordinance

Joint Press Statement
18 Nov 2025, Statements

The Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) expresses serious concern over the recent passage by the Bangladesh Interim Government of an Ordinance that permits the imposition of the death penalty for the crime of enforced disappearance. We agree that the objectives of “The Prevention, Remedy, and Protection against Enforced Disappearance Ordinance” are legitimate to address past violations and prevent them from reoccurring. We also note that it seeks to prohibit the operation of secret detention centers such as the so-called Aynaghar, a long-standing concern for victims and human rights groups. 

However, the protection of human rights must never come at the expense of other human rights. The pursuit of justice for one violation cannot justify the creation of another. Legal measures must comply with international human rights obligations. By prescribing capital punishment, the Ordinance violates Bangladesh’s obligations under international law and undermines the very ideals it seeks to advance. The death penalty is an inhumane punishment that violates the right to life.  

As a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED), Bangladesh is bound to ensure that criminal penalties and procedures respect the inherent dignity of all persons. The UN Human Rights

Committee has long clarified that the death penalty may only be imposed for the “most serious crimes,” meaning crimes involving intentional killing. Extending capital punishment to enforced disappearance, which does not necessarily entail such intent, contravenes Article 6 of the ICCPR and distorts the protective purpose of the ICPPED. Procedural elements of the Ordinance further risk undermining the right to a fair trial guaranteed under Article 14 of the ICCPR. The establishment of special tribunals and a rigid 120-day trial deadline may jeopardize the rights to adequate defense – safeguards that are indispensable to justice, especially in cases of grave human rights violations. We have advocated the reality that capital punishment is an ineffective measure to address crime. Penalizing the crime of enforced disappearance, the Ordinance need not include a death penalty provision to enable victims and their families to access justice and demand accountability from perpetrators. 

We appeal to the Interim Government of Bangladesh to reflect on its position and comply with their international human rights obligations. We urge the Interim Government to consider the repeal of those sections of the Ordinance and continue to pursue more effective alternative solutions and appropriate punishments for the crime of enforced disappearance together with civil society, victims’ groups, human rights organizations, and other stakeholders. 

The global trend is clearly towards a world without the death penalty. ADPAN calls on the Interim Government of Bangladesh to focus on taking steps towards the abolition of the death penalty. 

Signatories: 

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN) 
  2. Capital Punishment Justice Project 
  3. Redemption Pakistan 
  4. Maldivian Democracy Network 
  5. Odhikar (Bangladesh) 
  6. Justice Project Pakistan 
  7. Coalition Against the Death Penalty 

Singapore: Cruel And Unlawful Drug-Related Execution Of Malaysian Man Renews Urgency For Moratorium On Executions

Singapore: Cruel And Unlawful Drug-Related Execution Of Malaysian Man Renews Urgency For Moratorium On Executions

27 Sept 2025, Statements

Amnesty International and the Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network condemn in the strongest terms the execution in Singapore of Malaysian national Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah on 25 September 2025 and are alarmed at the continued violations of international human rights law and standards associated with the use of the death penalty in the country.[1] We renew our call on the government of Singapore to urgently establish a moratorium on executions as a first step towards full abolition of this cruel punishment.

CRUEL ANGUISH AS EXECUTION TEMPORARILY STAYED
Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah was set to be executed at 6am on 25 September 2025, following a shortened notice period that started on 21 September. According to information received by our organizations, just over five hours before it was due to be carried out, the execution was temporarily stayed to allow the President of Singapore, Tharman Shanmugaratnam, to consider his clemency request. The family was later notified that the execution would proceed at approximately 1.40pm, after the appeal was rejected.[2]

The last-minute stay of execution left Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah and his relatives in excruciating anguish for approximately seven hours.

We oppose the death penalty unconditionally as the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment. We strongly condemn the treatment of Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah and his family, which amounts to  cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in line with international standards on the death penalty.[3] Torture and other ill-treatment or punishment are absolutely prohibited under international human rights law,[4] and this is also a rule of customary international law binding on all states, whether or not they are parties to particular treaties which include this prohibition.

This continued pursuit of executions by the Singapore government at all costs, including with shortened notice periods, must immediately stop.  

death sentence unlawful under international human rights law and standards

Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah was convicted and sentenced to the mandatory death penalty after he was found in possession of 44.96 grams of diamorphine (heroin), presumed to have knowledge of the drug and to possess it for the purpose of trafficking under the Misuse of Drugs Act and convicted.

We reiterate that the use of the death penalty for drug-related offences violates international human rights law and standards, which restrict its use to the “most serious crimes”, most recently interpreted as referring to “crimes of extreme

gravity involving intentional killing”.[1] Several UN bodies, including the International Narcotics Control Board, have repeatedly clarified that drug-related offences do not meet this threshold.[2]

We also remain alarmed by the continued resort to the mandatory death penalty, which removes judges’ power to consider the particular circumstances of the offence and the background of the convicted person, also in violation of international law and standards;[3] and the reliance on the legal presumption of trafficking under the Misuse of Drugs Act, based on the amount of drugs a person is found with. When these legal presumptions are invoked, the burden of proof is shifted onto the defendant to be rebutted to the reversed –and therefore higher – legal standard of “on balance of probabilities”. Legal presumptions of guilt violate the right to be presumed innocent – a peremptory norm of customary international law – and other fair trial guarantees under international human rights law that mandate that the burden of proving all charges rests on the prosecution.[4] In addition, presumptions of guilt have also had the effect of lowering the threshold of evidence needed to secure a conviction in capital cases.

urgent need for moratorium on executions as critical first step

So far in 2025, Singapore has executed 11 men, including nine for drug-related offences. In recent years, only two countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were known to have carried out executions – Singapore and Viet Nam. With the recent abolition of the death penalty for transporting drugs in Viet Nam on 25 June 2025, Singapore is due to be the last ASEAN country to carry out executions for this offence.[5]

Several others remain at imminent risk of execution in Singapore, including Malaysian nationals Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren and Singapore national Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. We renew our call on the Government of Singapore to immediately establish a moratorium on all executions; commute all death sentences; and review national legislation to bring it in line with international human rights law and standards, pending full abolition of the death penalty.

[1] Central Narcotics Bureau, “Execution of a Convicted Drug Trafficker – 25 September 2025”, 25 Sep 2025, https://www.cnb.gov.sg/NewsAndEvents/News/Index/execution-of-a-convicted-drug-trafficker—25-september-2025

[2] We, The Citizens, “No more. Not in my Name”, 26 September 2025, https://www.wethecitizens.net/no-more-not-in-my-name/?ref=we-the-citizens-newsletter

[3] UN Human Rights Committee, Earl Pratt and Ivan Morgan v.Jamaica, Communication No. 210/1986, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/35/D/210/1986 (1989), paras.13.7 and 14.

[4] Article 2 of the Convention against Torture; Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Committee Against Torture, General Comment No.2, UN Doc.CAT/C/GC/2, 24 January 2008, para.1; International Committee of the Red Cross/Red Crescent, Rule 90. Torture and Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment.

[5] Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Safeguard No.1 of the UN Safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty, adopted through UN Economic and Social Council resolution 1984/50.

[6] UN Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life, UN Doc. CCPR/C/GC/36, 30 October 2018, para.35; Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions (2012), UN Doc. A/67/275, para.122; UN Chief Executives Board, “What we have learned over the last ten years: A summary of knowledge acquired and produced by the UN system on drug-related matters”, UN Doc. E/CN.7/2019/CRP.10; UN Chief Executives Board, “What we have learned over the last ten years: A summary of knowledge acquired and produced by the UN system on drug-related matters”, UN Doc. E/CN.7/2019/CRP.10; Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2021, UN DOC. E/INCB/2021/1, para. 90.

[7] UN Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life, CCPR/C/GC/36, 30 October 2018, para.37.

[8] UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 24: Issues relating to reservations made upon ratification or accession to the Covenant or the Optional Protocols thereto, or in relation to declarations under article 41 of the Covenant (Art. 41), para.8.

[9] UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Viet Nam: Parliament votes to abolish death penalty for some offences”, 27 June 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/06/viet-nam-parliament-votes-abolish-death-penalty-some-offences

Malaysia dan Singapura di persimpangan: Hentikan hukuman mati, tegakkan hak asasi manusiaKenyataan media bersama

Malaysia dan Singapura di persimpangan: Hentikan hukuman mati, tegakkan hak asasi manusia - Kenyataan media bersama

22 Sept 2025, Statements

Memandangkan lima banduan lelaki kini dipercayai berisiko di Singapura, kami, pertubuhan masyarakat sivil yang bertandatangan di bawah, menyeru pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk menghentikan serta-merta semua hukuman mati. Kami juga menggesa kerajaan Malaysia untuk mengambil semua langkah yang mungkin untuk melindungi hak rakyatnya yang berhadapan dengan hukuman mati di Singapura dan mendesak supaya hukuman mati dihentikan sepenuhnya, di Malaysia dan di peringkat antarabangsa.

Antara mereka yang berisiko pelaksanaan hukuman mati ialah Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren dan Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. Kesemua mereka dijatuhi hukuman mati kerana didakwa mengedar dadah, dan masing-masing telah menjalani kehidupan selama tujuh hingga sepuluh tahun sebagai banduan akhir. Sementara Jumaat adalah warga Singapura, empat lagi adalah warga Malaysia. Rayuan terkini kelima-lima mereka telah ditolak, selepas bertahun-tahun mereka berjuang mengatasi segala kemungkinan untuk mendapatkan keadilan.

Singapura telah pun melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas sepuluh lelaki, termasuk dua rakyat Malaysia, setakat tahun ini. Pada Ogos 2025, Kabinet Singapura menasihatkan Presiden untuk memberikan pengampunan kepada seorang yang dihukum mati—kali pertama ini dilakukan dalam hampir tiga dekad. Walaupun kami mengalu-alukan keputusan yang jarang berlaku ini, ia hanya menekankan kesewenang-wenangan dan kekejaman hukuman mati untuk semua yang lain yang masih berisiko.

Individu yang dihukum mati di Singapura dan keluarga mereka hanya diberi notis empat hingga tujuh hari sebelum hukuman mati dilaksanakan. Sebagaimana kami menggesa pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk melindungi hak asasi manusia dan menamatkan hukuman mati, kami juga menggalakkan rakyat Malaysia dan Singapura untuk bertindak sekarang untuk membantu menghentikan hukuman mati yang akan dilaksanakan terhadap individu-individu ini; kami tidak mampu untuk menunggu, sementara kami tahu mana-mana individu ini mungkin mendapat notis pelaksanaan dalam beberapa hari akan datang.

Pada persimpangan kritikal ini, kerajaan Malaysia mesti bertindak tegas untuk melindungi nyawa rakyatnya dan semua yang menghadapi hukuman mati, serta mendesak pemansuhan hukuman mati di rantau ini. Ramai anak muda Malaysia, sering daripada latar belakang sosio-ekonomi yang kurang bernasib baik, telah terdedah untuk direkrut ke dalam perdagangan dadah, dan kerajaan Malaysia mempunyai kewajipan moral untuk membela mereka, bukan membiarkan mereka mati di penjara asing. Setelah memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori pada 2023, dan meneruskan usaha ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya, Malaysia kini perlu melangkah lebih jauh dengan memperluaskan advokasinya untuk melindungi warganegaranya di luar negara yang kekal berisiko di bawah rejim hukuman mati mandatori yang keras dan kejam di Singapura.

Sementara itu, rakyat Singapura yang gerun dengan hukuman mati ini mesti bersuara menentang hukuman yang tidak berperikemanusiaan ini. Singapura semakin bersendirian di rantau ini dalam melaksanakan hukuman mati mandatori dan melaksanakan hukuman mati bagi pengedaran dadah.

Kes Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

Salah seorang warga Malaysia yang berisiko tinggi ialah Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. Kes beliau dipenuhi dengan pelanggaran undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, dan menunjukkan kelemahan asas dalam rejim hukuman mati yang kejam di Singapura.

Pada 2017, Pannir disabitkan kesalahan mengimport 51.84g diamorphine (heroin) ke Singapura dan dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori. Walaupun terdapat bukti bahawa beliau hanyalah “kurier” dan telah memberikan maklumat substantif kepada pihak berkuasa, Jabatan Peguam Negara Singapura enggan mengeluarkan Sijil Bantuan Substantif kepada Pannir. Tanpa sijil sedemikian, mahkamah tidak mempunyai pilihan selain menjatuhkan hukuman mati kepada beliau. Pannir, melalui keluarganya, telah berkongsi maklumat dengan Polis Diraja Malaysia berhubung operasi sindiket di sepanjang pantai Malaysia. Kesnya juga telah terjejas oleh kekurangan perwakilan undang-undang semasa soal siasat polis, undang-undang yang menyekat rayuan selepas sabitan kesalahan, penafian bantuan guaman pada peringkat selepas rayuan, dan pelanggaran komunikasi istimewa antara mereka yang menghadapi hukuman mati dengan peguam.

Pada 5 September 2025, Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura menolak permohonan terbaru Pannir untuk penangguhan pelaksanaan, walaupun aduan tatatertib beliau terhadap bekas peguam beliau masih belum diselesaikan. Mahkamah berkata dalam penghakimannya bahawa Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura mungkin perlu bertindak segera untuk “memelihara” keterangan Pannir sebelum pelaksanaan hukuman mati ke atas beliau─satu pengakuan yang mengejutkan dan mengerikan tentang kekejaman besar hukuman mati yang semakin hampir.

Penggunaan Anggapan (Bersalah) Undang-undang dalam Kes-kes Jenayah: Pertarungan Berani oleh Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat

Pada Ogos 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran dan Jumaat memfailkan cabaran terhadap perlembagaan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang berhubung dengan pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan di bawah Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah Singapura. Mereka masing-masing telah disabitkan berdasarkan kepada dua anggapan sedemikian yang terkandung dalam Seksyen 18(1) dan 18(2) Akta itu.

Akta Penyalahgunaan Dadah membenarkan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang digunakan oleh pihak pendakwaan, di mana beban pembuktian dialihkan kepada defendan untuk disangkal oleh mereka kepada piawaian undang-undang “pada keseimbangan kebarangkalian”. Walaupun bidang kuasa lain seperti Kanada, Hong Kong dan United Kingdom telah menolak penggunaan anggapan undang-undang untuk disangkal atas imbangan kebarangkalian—atas dasar membenarkan seseorang tertuduh disabitkan walaupun keraguan munasabah masih wujud—Singapura terus menggunakan anggapan (bersalah) undang-undang tersebut dalam kes pengedaran, pemilikan dan pengetahuan dalam kes dadah. Anggapan bersalah secara berkesan melemahkan jaminan perbicaraan yang adil di bawah undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan melanggar hak untuk dianggap tidak bersalah, norma lazim undang-undang antarabangsa. Selanjutnya, anggapan pemilikan dan pengetahuan boleh digunakan bersama-sama di Singapura—penggunaannya telah diterangkan di mahkamah lain sebagai suatu penghinaan kepada anggapan tidak bersalah.

Empat lelaki banduan akhir ini telah mengharungi suatu cabaran perjalanan yang panjang dan sukar. Skim bantuan guaman di Singapura tidak meliputi pemfailan rayuan luar biasa. Memandangkan mereka tidak mempunyai cara untuk menghubungi peguam secara persendirian, mereka berempat tidak diwakili untuk masa yang lama, memaksa mereka hadir ke mahkamah tanpa peguam untuk menghujahkan bantahan mereka sendiri. Apabila peguam kanan asing menawarkan untuk mewakili mereka secara pro bono, mahkamah memutuskan bahawa mereka sendiri perlu menghujahkan permintaan untuk menerima peguam asing ini untuk mewakili mereka di Singapura — mewujudkan keadaan yang keterlaluan di mana orang yang dihukum mati terpaksa mengemukakan hujah undang-undang yang sangat teknikal manakala peguam kanan asing hanya boleh melihat ini berlaku. Akhirnya, Mahkamah Singapura menolak permohonan mereka supaya peguam ini mewakili mereka.

Hanya kira-kira dua tahun selepas cabaran perlembagaan mereka difailkan, beberapa peguam tempatan bersetuju untuk mengambil kes mereka, yang ditolak bulan lalu. Dengan berakhirnya kes ini, tiada lagi prosiding undang-undang tertangguh untuk menghalang pihak berkuasa Singapura daripada menjadualkan pelaksanaan hukuman mati mereka.

Kebimbangan Besar Terhadap Lain-lain Pelanggaran Undang-undang dan Piawaian Hak Asasi Manusia Antarabangsa

Kami mengingatkan pihak berkuasa Singapura bahawa perlindungan antarabangsa mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati melarang pelaksanaan hukuman mati sementara rayuan atau prosedur lain yang dilakukan masih belum selesai. Sudah tentu boleh diakui bahawa penglibatan Pannir—untuk mengarahkan peguam, memberi keterangan dan menjawab sebarang bukti yang dibangkitkan oleh bekas peguam beliau—adalah satu-satunya cara untuk memastikan keputusan yang adil dalam aduan beliau yang dikemukakan kepada Persatuan Undang-undang Singapura. Ini amat kritikal memandangkan aduan itu termasuk perbualan langsung yang melibatkan Pannir dan bekas peguam beliau; dan beberapa orang lain yang dihukum mati yang juga telah memfailkan aduan terhadap peguam yang sama ini telah pun dilaksanakan hukuman mereka sebelum keterangan mereka didengar.

Seperti Pannir, surat-menyurat peribadi kedua-dua Datchinamurthy dan Saminathan juga telah disalin dan diserahkan oleh Perkhidmatan Penjara Singapura, tanpa kebenaran, kepada Jabatan Peguam Negara—suatu tindakan yang telah diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Rayuan Singapura sebagai menyalahi undang-undang.

Individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati di Singapura telah menimbulkan kebimbangan serius tentang halangan yang sangat terlarang yang mereka hadapi dalam memfailkan permohonan undang-undang selepas rayuan jenayah mereka selesai. Mereka juga berulang kali membangkitkan betapa sukarnya untuk mereka melibatkan peguam di Singapura, memandangkan risiko denda yang membebankan, teguran dan kos yang perlu ditanggung oleh peguam untuk mengambil kes jenayah di peringkat akhir. Keadaan hukuman mati di Singapura semakin memburuk saban tahun, dengan banduan mengalami pengasingan dalam sel bersendirian, komunikasi yang sangat terhad antara mereka dan orang tersayang mereka, dan pihak berkuasa penjara menjadikannya hampir mustahil bagi banduan yang terlibat dalam cabaran undang-undang yang sama untuk berbincang antara satu sama lain.

Hukuman mati bagi kesalahan dadah melanggar undang-undang dan piawaian hak asasi manusia antarabangsa, yang mengehadkan penggunaan hukuman mati hanya kepada “jenayah paling serius”, yang difahami sebagai pembunuhan dengan sengaja. Pengedaran dadah tidak memenuhi ambang ini. Kedua-dua Jawatankuasa Hak Asasi Manusia Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dan Pelapor Khas Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah secara konsisten mengesahkan pendirian ini. Namun sebahagian besar hukuman mati yang berlaku di Singapura dijalankan sebagai sebahagian daripada kempen nasional “perang melawan dadah”—yang mana menunjukkan betapa jauhnya pendirian Singapura berbanding masyarakat antarabangsa dalam soal hak asasi manusia dan keadilan.

Perdana Menteri Baharu, Lawrence Wong

Sebagai perdana menteri baharu Singapura, Lawrence Wong berpeluang mengambil langkah penting untuk menghentikan penggunaan hukuman mati yang kejam dan tidak berperikemanusiaan di Singapura yang telah meragut ratusan nyawa sejak merdeka. Mengenakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati dan memansuhkan hukuman mati mandatori akan menjadi langkah penting yang mendesak yang boleh beliau lakukan, dengan tujuan ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya. Ini bukan sahaja akan menyelamatkan nyawa ramai banduan akhir, tetapi juga memastikan Singapura tidak ketinggalan oleh trend antarabangsa yang menolak penggunaan hukuman mati.

Perdana Menteri Wong setakat ini tidak membuat sebarang kenyataan umum mengenai penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura. Bagaimanapun, pengampunan pertama yang diberikan kepada banduan hukuman mati dalam tempoh 27 tahun—yang tidak mungkin berlaku tanpa Kabinet Wong menasihati Presiden Tharman Shanmugaratnam untuk berbuat demikian—menunjukkan bahawa perubahan boleh dilakukan. Perdana Menteri Wong tidak seharusnya berdiam diri dalam isu ini, dan harus menunjukkan kepimpinan dalam menamatkan penggunaan hukuman mati oleh Singapura.

Peranan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN: Peluang Menerajui Pemansuhan

Pemansuhan hukuman mati mandatori Malaysia berkuat kuasa pada Julai 2023, sebelum proses pendakwaan semula menyeluruh di mahkamah untuk semua individu yang dijatuhkan hukuman mati mandatori sebelum pindaan, termasuk mereka yang disabitkan kesalahan mengedar dadah. Akibatnya, kebanyakan hukuman mati telah diketepikan dan digantikan dengan 30 hingga 40 tahun penjara dan, jika berkenaan, sebat.

Kami diberi suntikan semangat dengan pengumuman baru-baru ini bahawa moratorium pelaksanaan hukuman mati terus dipatuhi di Malaysia dan kajian baharu sedang ditugaskan untuk mempertimbangkan kemungkinan pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya. Sebagai Pengerusi Persatuan Negara-Negara Asia Tenggara (ASEAN), Malaysia mempunyai kedudukan unik untuk memperjuangkan hak asasi manusia di rantau ini. Campur tangan Malaysia dalam kes ini bukan sahaja menunjukkan komitmennya untuk menyokong rakyatnya yang menghadapi hukuman mati di luar negara, tetapi juga kepimpinannya dalam memajukan agenda hak asasi manusia dalam ASEAN.

Kami menyeru pihak berkuasa kedua-dua negara untuk:

1) Melibatkan diri dalam campur tangan yang pantas dan berkesan: Gunakan semua saluran yang ada, termasuk rayuan diplomatik langsung untuk menggesa Kerajaan Singapura supaya tidak melaksanakan hukuman mati ke atas Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, dan Lingkesvaran, dan untuk menghalang hukuman mati selanjutnya daripada berlaku di Singapura, termasuk yang akan menyalahi undang-undang di bawah undang-undang dan piawaian antarabangsa;

2) Memanfaatkan mekanisme ASEAN dan memimpin melalui contoh: Gunakan kedudukan Malaysia sebagai Pengerusi ASEAN untuk menyokong kerjasama serantau untuk menghapuskan hukuman mati, sambil bergerak ke arah pemansuhan sepenuhnya di negara sendiri untuk menunjukkan contoh yang kukuh bagi rantau ini.

3) Berkomitmen ke arah pemansuhan hukuman mati sepenuhnya: Melaksanakan atau mengekalkan moratorium ke atas pelaksanaan hukuman mati, dan menjalankan kajian bebas, berasaskan bukti dan telus untuk menjauhi hukuman mati.

Ini bukan semata-mata untuk menyelamatkan nyawa beberapa orang lelaki banduan akhir terpilih yang mendekam di Penjara Changi Singapura. Ia adalah mengenai menamatkan kekejaman hukuman mati, memastikan kedua-dua Singapura dan Malaysia menegakkan maruah dan hak semua, dan menunjukkan kepimpinan yang diperlukan untuk menggerakkan negara mereka dan serantau ke arah pemansuhan.

Kami menyeru Kerajaan Malaysia untuk bertindak tanpa berlengah-lengah, dan kepada pihak berkuasa Singapura untuk melaksanakan moratorium serta-merta ke atas hukuman mati, dan mengelak daripada mengeluarkan sebarang notis pelaksanaan.

*Pada 21 September 2025, keluarga Datchinamurthy Kataiah menerima berita bahawa hukuman mati ke atas beliau akan dilaksanakan pada 25 September 2025 di Penjara Changi.

Penandatangan:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

 

MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE AT A CROSSROADS: STOP EXECUTIONS, UPHOLD HUMAN RIGHTS

Malaysia and Singapore at a Crossroads: Stop Executions, Uphold Human Rights - Joint Press Statement

22 Sept 2025, Statements

As five men are now believed to be at imminent risk in Singapore, we, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the Singaporean authorities to immediately halt all executions. We also urge the Malaysian government to take all possible steps to protect the rights of its nationals facing execution in Singapore and to press for a complete end to the death penalty, at home and internationally.

Among those who are at imminent risk of execution are Datchinamurthy a/l Kataiah, Pannir Selvam Pranthaman, Saminathan a/l Selvaraju, Lingkesvaran Rajendaren and Jumaat bin Mohamed Sayed. All of them were sentenced to death for drug trafficking, and have each spent seven to ten years on death row. While Jumaat is a Singaporean, the other four are Malaysians. The five of them had their most recent appeals dismissed, after many years of struggle for justice against all odds.

Singapore has already executed ten men, including two Malaysians, so far this year. In August 2025, Singapore’s Cabinet advised the President to grant clemency to one person on death row—the first time this has been done in almost three decades. While we welcome this rare decision, it only underscores the arbitrariness and cruelty of the death penalty for all others still at risk.

Individuals on death row in Singapore and their families are only given four to seven days’ notice of their execution. As we urge the authorities of both countries to protect human rights and end the death penalty, we also encourage Malaysians and Singaporeans to act now to help stop the imminent executions of these individuals; we cannot afford to wait, knowing that any of these individuals may get an execution notice in the coming days.

At this critical juncture, the Malaysian government must act decisively to protect the lives of its nationals and all those facing execution, as well as push for the abolition of the death penalty in the region. Many young Malaysians, often from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds, have been vulnerable to being recruited into the drug trade, and the Malaysian government has a moral duty to advocate for them, not leave them to die in foreign prisons. Having abolished the mandatory death penalty in 2023, as it continues its journey towards full abolition Malaysia must now go further by extending its advocacy to protect its nationals abroad who remain at risk under Singapore’s harsh and cruel mandatory death penalty regime.

Meanwhile, Singaporeans who are horrified by these executions must speak out against this inhumane punishment. Singapore is increasingly alone in the region in implementing the mandatory death penalty and carrying out executions for drug trafficking.

The Case of Pannir Selvam Pranthaman

One of the Malaysian nationals at grave risk is Pannir Selvam Pranthaman. His case is riddled with violations of international human rights law and standards, and demonstrates fundamental flaws in Singapore’s cruel capital punishment regime.

In 2017, Pannir was convicted of importing into Singapore 51.84g of diamorphine (heroin) and was sentenced to the mandatory death penalty. Despite evidence that he was a mere “courier” and had provided substantive information to the authorities, Singapore’s Attorney-General’s Chambers refused to issue Pannir a Certificate of Substantive Assistance. Without such a certificate, the court had no choice but to sentence him to death. Pannir, through his family, has shared information with the Royal Malaysia Police regarding syndicate operations along Malaysia’s shores. His case has also been affected by the lack of legal representation during police interrogation, restrictive laws that curtailed post-conviction appeals, the denial of legal aid at the post-appeal stage, and breaches of privileged communication between those facing the death penalty and lawyers.

On 5 September 2025, the Singapore Court of Appeal dismissed Pannir’s latest application for a stay of execution, even as his disciplinary complaint against his former lawyer remains unresolved. The court said in its judgment that the Law Society of Singapore may need to act urgently to “preserve” Pannir’s testimony before his execution—a shocking and macabre acknowledgment of the grave cruelty of his looming execution.

The Use of Legal Presumptions of Guilt in Capital Cases: A Valiant Fight by Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat

In August 2022, Datchinamurthy, Saminathan, Lingkesvaran and Jumaat filed a challenge against the constitutionality of the legal presumptions of guilt in relation to trafficking, possession and knowledge under Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act. They each had been convicted with reliance on two such presumptions contained in Section 18(1) and 18(2) of that Act.

The Misuse of Drugs Act allows legal presumptions to be used by the prosecution, whereby the burden of proof is shifted onto the defendant to be rebutted by them to the legal standard of “on a balance of probabilities”. While other jurisdictions such as Canada, Hong Kong and the United Kingdom have rejected the use of legal presumptions to be rebutted on the balance of probabilities—on the basis that it allows for an accused person to be convicted despite reasonable doubt still existing—Singapore continues to apply such legal presumptions in cases of trafficking, possession and knowledge in capital drug cases. Presumptions of guilt effectively undermine fair trial guarantees under international human rights law and violate the right to be presumed innocent, a peremptory norm of customary international law. Further, the presumption of possession and knowledge can be applied together in Singapore—the use of which has been described in other courts as a severe derogation from the presumption of innocence.

It was a long, arduous journey for the four men to see this challenge through. Legal aid schemes in Singapore do not cover the filing of extra-ordinary appeals. As they had no means to engage a lawyer privately, the four men were unrepresented for a long time, forcing them to appear in court without lawyers to argue their challenge by themselves. When foreign senior counsel offered to represent them pro bono, the court ruled that they would have to argue by themselves the request to admit these foreign counsels to represent them in Singapore —creating an outrageous situation in which persons on death row had to present highly technical legal arguments while the foreign senior lawyers could only watch. In the end, the Singapore Courts rejected their application to have these lawyers represent them.

It was only about two years after their constitutional challenge was filed that some local lawyers agreed to take on the case, which was dismissed last month. With the conclusion of this case, there is no longer any pending legal proceeding to prevent the Singaporean authorities from scheduling their executions.

Grave Concerns Over Other Violations of International Human Rights Law and Standards

We remind the Singaporean authorities that international safeguards on the use of the death penalty prohibit carrying out executions while appeals or other recourse procedures are pending. Surely it can be recognised that Pannir’s involvement—to instruct counsel, give testimony and respond to any evidence raised by his former lawyer—is the only way to ensure a fair outcome in his complaint lodged with the Law Society of Singapore. This is especially critical given that the complaint includes a direct conversation involving Pannir and his former lawyer; and that several other persons on death row who had also filed complaints against this same lawyer have already been executed before their testimonies could be heard.

Like Pannir, both Datchinamurthy and Saminathan also had their private correspondence copied and forwarded by the Singapore Prison Service, without authorisation, to the Attorney-General’s Chambers—an act that Singapore’s Court of Appeal has ruled to be unlawful.

Individuals on death row in Singapore have raised serious concerns about the extremely prohibitive barriers that they face in filing legal applications after their criminal appeal has concluded. They have also repeatedly brought up how difficult it is for them to engage lawyers in Singapore, given the risk of onerous fines, reprimands and costs that lawyers have to bear for taking up capital cases at later stages. Conditions on death row in Singapore have worsened over the years, with prisoners enduring isolation in solitary cells, severely restricted communications between them and their loved ones, and the prison authorities making it close to impossible for persons involved in the same legal challenge to confer with one another.

The death penalty for drug offences violates international human rights law and standards, which limit the use of capital punishment only to the “most serious crimes”, understood as intentional killing. Drug trafficking does not meet this threshold. Both the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the United Nations Special Rapporteurs have consistently affirmed this position. Yet the vast majority of executions that take place in Singapore are carried out as part of the country’s extremely punitive “war on drugs”—demonstrating how far out of step Singapore is with the international community when it comes to human rights and justice.

Lawrence Wong’s New Premiership

As Singapore’s new prime minister, Lawrence Wong has an opportunity to take the momentous step of leading Singapore away from the cruel and inhumane use of the death penalty that has taken hundreds of lives since independence. Imposing an immediate moratorium on executions and repealing the mandatory death penalty would be critical urgent steps that he could lead on, with a view towards full abolition. This will not only spare the many people currently on death row, but also ensure that Singapore is not left behind by the international trend away from the use of capital punishment.

Prime Minister Wong has so far not made any public statements on Singapore’s use of the death penalty. However, the first clemency granted to a death row prisoner in 27 years—which would not have been possible without Wong’s Cabinet advising President Tharman Shanmugaratnam to do so—shows that change is possible. Prime Minister Wong should not remain silent on this issue, and should demonstrate leadership in ending Singapore’s use of the death penalty.

Malaysia’s Role as ASEAN Chair: A Chance to Lead on Abolition

Malaysia’s abolition of the mandatory death penalty came into effect in July 2023, preceding a comprehensive resentencing process in court for all individuals sentenced to the mandatory death penalty prior to the amendments, including those convicted of drug trafficking. As a result, most death sentences have been set aside and replaced with 30 to 40 years imprisonment and, when applicable, whipping.

We are encouraged by the recent announcement that the moratorium on executions continues to be observed in Malaysia and that a new study is being commissioned to consider the potential abolition of the death penalty. As the current Chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Malaysia is uniquely positioned to champion human rights in the region. Malaysia’s intervention in these cases would not only demonstrate its commitment to support its nationals facing execution abroad, but also its leadership in advancing a human rights agenda within ASEAN.

We call on the authorities of the two countries to:

  • Engage in swift and effective intervention: Utilise all available channels, including direct diplomatic appeals to urge the Government of Singapore to halt the executions of Datchinamurthy, Pannir, Saminathan, and Lingkesvaran, and to prevent further executions from taking place in Singapore, including those that would be unlawful under international law and standards;
  • Leverage ASEAN mechanisms and lead by example: Utilise Malaysia’s position as ASEAN Chair to advocate for regional cooperation to abolish the death penalty, while moving towards full abolition at home to set a strong example for the region.
  • Commit to steps toward full abolition of the death penalty: Implement or maintain a moratorium on executions, and commission independent, evidence-based and transparent studies on moving away from capital punishment.

This is not merely about saving the lives of a select few men languishing on death row in Singapore’s Changi Prison. It is about ending the cruelty of the death penalty, ensuring that both Singapore and Malaysia uphold the dignity and rights of all, and demonstrating the leadership needed to move their countries and the region towards abolition.

We call on the Malaysian Government to act without delay, and on the Singaporean authorities to implement an immediate moratorium on the death penalty, and refrain from issuing any execution notices.

*On 21 September 2025, Datchinamurthy Kataiah’s family received news that his execution will be carried out on 25 September, 2025 at Changi Prison.

Signatories:

  1. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
  2. Amnesty International
  3. Capital Punishment Justice Project
  4. Transformative Justice Collective (Singapore)
  5. Student Actions for Transformative Justice (SATU, Singapore)
  6. Alliance Against the Death Penalty (AADP, Singapore)
  7. Function 8 (Singapore)
  8. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
  9. Advancing Knowledge in Democracy and Law initiative
  10. Freedom Film Network
  11. Sebaran Kasih Malaysia
  12. ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty)
  13. MADPET-Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture
  14. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights
  15. Redemption Pakistan
  16. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
  17. North South Initiative
  18. Julian Wagner Memorial Fund Inc.
  19. Australians Against Capital Punishment
  20. The National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
  21. Centre for Independent Journalism
  22. HAKAM
  23. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  24. Coalition for Clean & Fair Election (BERSIH)
  25. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia [SABM]
  26. SIS Forum (Malaysia)
  27. TENAGANITA
  28. Maldivian Democracy Network
  29. Bersih
  30. KLSCAH Youth
  31. Puerto Rico Bar
  32. ALIRAN
  33. International Federation of Journalists

2025 World Drug Day: UNODC and CND Must Take Urgent Action to End Unlawful Use of the Death Penalty for Drug-Related Offences

2025 World Drug Day: UNODC and CND Must Take Urgent Action to End Unlawful Use of the Death Penalty for Drug-Related Offences

25 June 2025, Statements

On the occasion of the 2025 International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, also known as World Drug Day, on 26 June – which also marks the Support. Don’t Punish Global Day of Action – we, the undersigned 70 organizations, call on the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) to unequivocally condemn the use of the death penalty for drug-related offences and take concrete steps to ensure that international human rights safeguards restricting the imposition of this cruel punishment are fully implemented, with a view to its full abolition. The continued failure to take a stand against the death penalty by these UN bodies mandated to oversee the development and implementation of international drug policies contributes to a lack of transparency and accountability for these human rights violations, and risks being interpreted as tolerance or even complicity at a critical moment when drug-related executions are in an unprecedented rise.


THE DEATH PENALTY FOR DRUG-RELATED OFFENCES: EXECUTIONS ON THE RISE IN A HANDFUL OF COUNTRIES


The death penalty is retained for drug-related offences in at least 34 countries. Although official information on the use of the death penalty is not publicly available for many countries, research carried out independently and separately by our organizations indicates that this punishment is mostly imposed for offences related to the cultivation, manufacturing, trafficking or importing/exporting of controlled substances.


Drug-related executions have been increasing in recent years. In 2024, Amnesty International and Harm Reduction International recorded over 600 drug-related executions, which constituted around 40% of total executions globally (1,518) and a 25% increase on the known total executions for these offences in 2023 (508 out of 1,153), making 2024 the deadliest year on record since 2015.1 These figures show that punitive drug policies have become a significant driver of the use of capital punishment both globally and in many countries individually.


Drug-related executions were known to have been carried out in four countries in 2024: Iran, Singapore, Saudi Arabia and China. In China, official sources confirmed drug-related executions, but state censorship and lack of transparency did not make it possible to establish a credible figure. The authorities of Iran carried out approximately 500 executions for drug-related offences in 2024, the majority of executions confirmed nationally, according to figures by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Centre, Iran Human Rights and others.2 These constituted 79% of the known global totals for drug-related executions. In Saudi Arabia, the number of drug-related executions (122) constituted 35% of the national total and an alarming rise from the only two recorded in 2023.3 In Singapore, eight out of 9 executions carried over the year were drug-related.4 Civil society monitoring also suggests that drug-related executions were carried out in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) and Viet Nam, but could not confirm it due to restrictive state practices.
Amnesty International and Harm Reduction International recorded at least 337 new death sentences known to have been imposed for drug-related offences in at least 13 countries in 2024: Bangladesh, China, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Laos, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Viet Nam, and Yemen. In addition to these, Harm Reduction International recorded death sentences for drug-related offences in Egypt, North Korea, Saudi Arabia and Thailand. It is estimated that at least 2,300 people were on death row for drug offences in 19 countries at the end of 2024; though actual figures are likely to be significantly higher.


Attempts to discuss or introduce the death penalty as punishment for drug-related offences were also recorded in some countries in 2024, including Fiji, the Maldives, Nigeria and Tonga.


However, recent developments in several Asian countries suggest that, in the long term and with sufficient political will, a significant decrease in the global resort to the death penalty for drug-related offences is possible. Among other examples, in July 2023, Pakistan repealed the death penalty for drug-related offences; the first country to do so in over a decade; 5 and in April 2025, the Ministry of Public Security of Viet Nam proposed repealing the death penalty in the Penal Code for eight crimes, including drug trafficking.6 The 2023 repeal of the mandatory death penalty Malaysia resulted in the commutation of more than 1,000 death sentences, with none of the more than 40 sentences confirmed by the Federal Court relating to drug trafficking.


A CLEAR VIOLATION OF INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW AND STANDARDS


International human rights law and standards restrict the use of the death penalty to the “most serious crimes”, which do not include drug-related offences. Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Safeguard No.1 of the UN Safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty, adopted through UN Economic and Social Council resolution 1984/50, provide that the imposition of the death penalty must be restricted to the “most serious crimes”. The UN Human Rights Committee has stated that “The term ‘the most serious crimes’ must be read restrictively and appertain only to crimes of extreme gravity, involving intentional killing. Crimes not resulting directly and intentionally in death, such as […] drug and sexual offences, although serious in nature, can never serve as the basis, within the framework of article 6, for the imposition of the death penalty. […].”8 In a 2023 report to the UN Human Rights Council, the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights highlighted that “[d]rug-related offences can never serve as the basis for the imposition of the death penalty”.9


The three UN Drug Conventions do not make any reference to the death penalty, while several UN human rights and drug control bodies have reiterated the total opposition to the death penalty, including for drug related offences. The UN Common Position on Drugs has reiterated in unequivocal terms that the application of the death penalty for drug-related offences does not respect the spirit of the UN Drug Conventions and has the potential to become an obstacle to effective cross-border and international cooperation against drug trafficking.10 The International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) has also noted that the use of the death penalty for drug-related offences is in breach of the UN Drug Conventions and a violation of international human rights law, and has called on States that still retain this punishment for drug-related offences to consider abolishing it for such offences and commuting death sentences that have already been imposed.11 More broadly, the INCB has stressed that respect for human rights is a prerequisite for the implementation of the UN Drug Conventions, and that measures adopted with the purported aim of furthering drug policy that are inconsistent with universally recognized human rights norms are a violation of the Conventions.


WORLD DRUG DAY AND THE DEATH PENALTY


World Drug Day is an initiative designed to encourage international cooperation to address the risks and harms of drugs. However, this day has unfortunately been used by various governments to promote highly punitive approaches as the authorities display “zero tolerance” and “iron-fist on drug crime” stances. In some retentionist countries, World Drug Day has been used to support an increased resort to the death penalty or even to ramp up drug-related executions. For example, World Drug Day has been a regular hook for Chinese courts, including the Supreme People’s Court, to issue judicial guidelines on how to apply the death penalty for drug-related offences.12 The authorities of Iran have also reaffirmed on World Drug Day their strong resolve to act as “the flag bearer of the global fight against narco-traffickers and death dealers”.13


Meanwhile, the publication of the World Drug Report, launched by UNODC every year on 26 June, presents a unique opportunity for UNODC to publicly condemn the application of the death penalty for drug-related offences and recommend concrete measures that states that still retain this cruel punishment can implement to align their domestic policies with international human rights law and standards.


Our organizations reiterate our call on all international drug control mechanisms, including the CND and UNODC, to consistently incorporate death penalty abolition (and human rights more generally) into their work, including in connection with the World Drug Day.14 In particular, we urge the CND to establish a standing item in its agenda to address the human rights impacts of drug policies; and for UNODC to ensure that human rights are part of its constant monitoring work, including through the inclusion of a specific chapter on human rights in its yearly World Drug Report.


The continued and unequivocal public condemnation by UNODC and the CND of the use of the death penalty for drug-related offences would be critical, in the long term, to change the perception of this issue and foster a context for discussions that puts the protection of human rights at the core of international and national drug control policies.
This statement is co-signed by:
ACAT Germany (Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture)
ACEID (Costa Rica)
Africa Network of People Who Use Drugs [AfricaNPUD]
AIVL-Australian Injecting & Illicit Drug Users League
ALQST for Human Rights
Amnesty International
Añadir REPECAP – Academicsforabolition. Spain
Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network
Association for Humane Drug Policy, Norway
Capital Punishment Justice Project
Center of Legal and Social Studies (CELS)
Colegio de Abogados y Abogadas de Puerto Rico
Corporación Acción Técnica Social – Colombia
Corporación Viso Mutop- Colombia
Corporación Viviendo
DITSHWANELO – The Botswana Centre for Human Rights
Drug Policy Alliance
DRUGZ (https://drugz.fr/ ; France)
drustvo AREAL (Slovenia)
ECPM (Together against the death penalty)
Elementa – Colombia and Mexico
European Network of People who Use Drugs (EuroNPUD)
European Saudi Organization for Human Rights
Groupement Romand d’Études des Addictions (GREA), Switzerland
German Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (GCADP)
HUMANITY DIASPO
Human Rights Dallas
Hands off Cain
Harm Reduction International
Harm Reduction Malta
Harm Reduction Nurses Association (HRNA)
HAYAT
Health and Opportunity Network (HON)
HIV Legal Network, Canada
IDUCARE, Philippines
Indonesian Drug Policy Reform Network (Jaringan Reformasi Kebijakan Narkotika)
Institute for the Rule of Law of the International Association of Lawyers (UIA-IROL)
Instituto RIA, AC (México)
Intercambios Puerto Rico
International Center for Ethnobotanical Education, Research and Service (ICEERS), Spain
International Commission of Jurists
International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC)
International Network of People who Use Drugs (INPUD)
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO)
Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)
The Kenyan Section of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ Kenya)
Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Masyarakat
lifepark (Switzerland) – movement against the death penalty
MADPET (Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture)
Mainline (Netherlands)
Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
Menahra
MANAS (Portugal)
Mantes la Galette (France)
My Brain My Choice Initiative (Germany)
Organisation for the Prevention of Intense Suffering (OPIS)
Parliamentarians for Global Action (PGA)
Release (UK)
Reprieve
Responsible Business Initiative for Justice
Skoun, Lebanese Addictions Center
Southern Methodist University Human Rights Program
StoptheDrugWar.org (US)
Taiwan Alliance to End the Death Penalty
Transnational Institute (TNI)
WHRIN
Witness to Innocence
Women Beyond Walls
World Coalition Against the Death Penalty

 

1 Amnesty International, “Death sentences and executions in 2024” (ACT 50/8976/2025), April 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/act50/8976/2025/en/; Harm Reduction International, “The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2024” March 2024. https://hri.global/flagship-research/death-penalty/the-death-penalty-for-drug-offences-global-overview-2024/
2 According to monitoring and research by Amnesty International Abdorrahman Boroumand Centre; Harm Reduction International and Iran Human rights.
3 European Saudi Organization for Human Rights, “Blood Era: A Historic Record of Executions in Saudi Arabia 2024”, January 2025, https://www.esohr.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Blood_Era_A_Historic_Record_of_Executions_in_Saudi_Arabia_2024.pdf
4 Singapore Prison Service, “SPS Annual Statistics Release for 2024”, 11 February 2025, https://www.sps.gov.sg/resource/media-releases/sps-annual-statistics-release-for-2024/

5 Pakistan today, “Pakistan ends capital punishment for drug trafficking convicts”, 26 July 2023, https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2023/07/26/pakistan-ends-capital-punishment-for-drug-trafficking-convicts/
6 Viet Nam News, Proposal to remove death penalty for eight crimes in the Penal Code, 8 April 2025, https://vietnamnews.vn/society/1695403/proposal-to-remove-death-penalty-for-eight-crimes-in-the-penal-code.html the draft amendments are expected to be considered by the National Assembly in October.
7 Amnesty International, “Death sentences and executions in 2024” (ACT 50/8976/2025), p.25.
8 Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 36 (2018) on article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on the right to life, UN Doc. CCPR/C/ GC/36, 30 October 2018, para.35.
9 UN Human Rights Council, Human rights challenges in addressing and countering all aspects of the world drug problem- Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, UN Doc.A/HRC/54/53, 15 August 2023, para.30.
10 UN Chief Executives Board, “What we have learned over the last ten years: A summary of knowledge acquired and produced by the UN system on drug-related matters”, UN Doc. E/CN.7/2019/CRP.10.
11 Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2021, UN DOC. E/ INCB/2021/1, para. 90.

12 Amnesty International, China: Annual execution spree looms on UN anti-drugs day, 25 June 2004, https://www.amnesty.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/asa170262004en.pdf; Supreme People’s Court of the People’s Republic of China, Courts remain committed to handing down heavy punishment for drug-related crimes, 27 June 2023, https://english.court.gov.cn/2023-06/27/c_897735.htm; Legal Information, The Supreme Court has released 10 typical cases (最高法发布10件毒品犯罪典型案例), 26 June 2024, http://legalinfo.moj.gov.cn/zhfxfzzx/fzzxyw/202406/t20240626_501176.html
13 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Foreign Ministry spokesman: Iran flag-bearer of fighting narco-traffickers, 26 June 2024, https://en.mfa.ir/portal/newsview/748605/Foreign-Ministry-spokesman-Iran-flag-bearer-of-fighting-narco-traffickers
14 Among other examples, Amnesty International, “World Drugs Day: UNODC must integrate ending drug related executions in its work”, (ACT 50/4347/2021), 26 June 2021, https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/ACT5043472021ENGLISH.pdf